Author Archives: angelo@percorso.net

Rio Tinto: the long road to transparency

Inhabitants of the Anosy region of Madagascar say they no longer know their rights in relation to Rio Tinto’s Qit Minerals Madagascar (QMM) ilmenite mine along the island’s southeast coastline.

Villagers living in Ampasy Nahampoana fear the mine will soon approach their food production zone. Neighbours in Andrakaraka believe the mine has extended beyond its permitted limits and now comes within 20 to 30 metres of the nearby lake.

But indigenous communities face enormous challenges to protect their rights and hold the company to account. “QMM does what it wants,” they claim.

Under scrutiny

The Andrew Lees Trust (ALT UK) has asked Rio Tinto to be transparent about the encroachment of the QMM mine beyond its legal limits and is working in solidarity with local people to address their concerns.

The primary issue for locals is the risk of radionuclide-enriched water from the mine tailings leaching into adjacent lakes and waterways where people fish and use the water. These are  meant to be protected by the environmental buffer zone, which has been breached by QMM.

ALT UK first brought these issues to public attention in The Ecologist. The charity challenged the company about the breach at the Rio Tinto annual general meeting last year (2017).

The charity was immediately invited into a dialogue with Rio Tinto’s executive. The charity advised shareholders and the Rio Tinto board that any exchange with the company would require transparency and open disclosure.

ALT UK was assured publicly by Rio Tinto’s chair that the company was committed to transparency, and the CEO appeared ready to open a route where concerns would be addressed, evidence provided, and questions answered.

In reality, the dialogue has taken almost a year and a half to date, and the majority of questions have still not been answered. The process has been eye wateringly protracted and challenging; data release has been slow, requiring persistent requests, or has not materialised at all.

A dialogue process of this kind would be impossibly onerous for the majority of the affected communities in Anosy, who are living on less than $2 a day and struggling to put one meal on the table.

Transparency

The Ecologist published a story about the QMM buffer zone violation in September 2018. The company said at the time: “Contrary to allegations that we have not shared information, QMM have been very transparent, working with the Andrew Lees Trust in an unprecedented way over the past 15 months.”

In fact, ALT UK never alleged that information has not been shared. Indeed, ALT UK has received numerous documents and emails, from or via the London HQ, as well as multiple verbal exchanges.

However, these have not addressed in a substantive way any of the detailed technical questions posed to Rio Tinto about the buffer zone violation or how QMM evidences its claimed compliance with national laws and permissions.

ALT UK commissioned an independent report by Dr Steven Emerman of Malach Consulting on the buffer violation and shared it with Rio Tinto. After five months, and despite repeated prompting, the charity is still waiting for a meaningful response.

The charity’s submissions to Rio Tinto on this subject since June 2018 include two reports and four letters that contain multiple technical questions, but these have not been answered.

QMM continued to deny the buffer zone violation in its latest correspondence, received in September this year (2018).

QMM has told ALT UK to address half its technical questions “to the regulator”, and therefore refused to directly answer detailed enquiries. This is simply pushing responsibility for the mine’s actions and impacts onto the Malagasy regulator.

Transparency re-distributed

The regulator in this case is the National Office for the Environment (ONE) in Madagascar, which is tasked with monitoring extractive activity and the QMM mine’s compliance with environmental regulations.

Rio Tinto/QMM claims ONE has recently validated QMM’s compliance with permissions granted against its approved Social and Environmental Management Plan (SEMP) 2014-2018.

ALT UK questions how ONE has reached its conclusions when, in over five months, Rio Tinto has been unable to explain, in writing, how its violation of the buffer zone complies with the SEMP; and when both Rio Tinto’s study by Ozius and ALT UK’s by Dr Emerman clearly demonstrate encroachment of the buffer zone onto the lake bed of Lake Besaroy, in breach of national laws.

ONE’s report is not yet publicly available. Local people in Anosy claim there was no consultation for this latest report, as would normally be expected.

ONE’s failure to consult has raised serious concerns locally, some of which have been voiced all the way to ministerial level. The word on the ground is that the relationship between QMM and ONE is “compromised”.

Far from allaying fears, the role of the regulator in verifying QMM’s “compliance” has deepened concerns to a whole new level; most specifically to the nature of the relationship between QMM and ONE, and the mechanisms for transparency and accountability available for local citizens.

ALT UK understands that ONE recently received financial support from QMM.

Extractives like QMM are allowed – if not actively expected – to contribute financially to ONE under the state’s decree 99-954/99 “Relative to the Compatibility of Investments with the Environment” (MECIE).

Such payments to government bodies are meant to be transparent – a statement from the company about what was paid by QMM to ONE, and when, would be welcome.

Expert consensus

ALT UK’s push for transparency has been framed by repeatedly requiring the company to respond to Dr Emerman’s findings on the buffer zone violation and all related questions in writing.

The company has insisted that questions would best be resolved if ALT UK would place its expert in a room with Rio Tinto’s, so they can “reach consensus”.

Firstly, ALT UK believes there is already consensus between Rio Tinto’s external expert provider, Ozius, and ALT UK’s expert, Dr Emerman, since both clearly define encroachment by the QMM mine beyond the approved buffer zone limitation in their separate technical studies.

Secondly, ALT UK has questioned where Rio Tinto’s internal expert/s have been hiding all these months since they have failed to produce any substantive answers to the questions sent to date.

Rio Tinto has instead forwarded on to ALT UK memos from their external consultants and internal memoranda, some of which have not been dated or lacked provenance. These have generated new concerns and yet more questions, all of which remain on the table, unanswered.

Seeking Answers

It is ALT UK who has urgently and repeatedly sought to engage Rio Tinto about its incongruent “interpretations” of the scientific data.

An urgent request to meet was sent to Rio Tinto immediately following the submission of Dr Emerman’s findings at the end of May 2018.

This was followed up with further, repeated, verbal and emailed requests. ALT UK was finally told it would have to wait until late September in order to re-engage the executive with whom it began the buffer zone discussion seventeen months earlier.

Nobody from Rio Tinto attempted to move the meeting forward following The Ecologist article in September. ALT UK also reached out to the newly formed Rio Tinto/QMM biodiversity panel in the hope they might review the ALT UK/Emerman report during their planned visit to the mine, in early October.

Independent oversight

Rio Tinto has two new panels in place for ‘oversight’ on the QMM mine in the Anosy region. The three member Biodiversity and Natural Resources Committee, with a secretariat provided by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN), has just been created and has met twice.

QMM’s previous biodiversity committee collapsed two years ago when the entire membership resigned, stating that Rio Tinto’s stance towards biodiversity presented a “reputational risk” for the committee members.

If the new committee is simply advisory, as has been the case in the past, then it remains to be seen whether it has teeth to rigorously question and effect meaningful changes to QMM’s performance and practices on the ground.

The second panel, also newly appointed, reported from its first trip in 2017 that QMM is “one of the cleanest mines in the world”. It is unclear on what basis such a conclusion was reached since environmental considerations were beyond the purview of their first mission.

The panel also reported it was “unable to consult directly with people living in the areas affected by QMM operations”. Instead, its members spent three days on the ground mostly examining issues around the port traffic, as “commended to our attention by QMM”.

Co-option and power asymmetry

It is almost impossible for local citizens to engage international evaluators, or enter into a protracted process of discovery when they are living hand to mouth.

So who can they rely upon to independently evaluate and transparently monitor how QMM goes about its operations? Who will hold QMM to account if it transgresses local peoples’ rights and environment?

This question assumes that local people’s complaints and concerns are taken seriously. This is a risky assumption. One QMM staff was overheard complaining that local people “just don’t want the gifts of development we can offer”.

In reality no one asked the locals what they wanted and whether the narrative pushed on them through externally driven development by private, corporate interests meets their needs, or resembles any of their aspirations.

Rural existence – and the survival of the poorest in Madagascar – is wholly dependent on access to land and forest. Such lives inevitably fall into conflict with externally driven, western-styled development when it prohibits their access to these vital natural resources – as the QMM mine has done.

This is even more true because QMM has co-opted most of the state and non-state actors, including NGOs. There are almost no agencies in the Anosy region that are not implicated – funded or involved in some way – in the development paradigm created by Rio Tinto’s QMM mine under the World Bank’s Integrated Growth Pole (PIC) programme.

QMM has become the only game in town and enjoys quasi-state power in the region, and can act with apparent impunity.

The resultant power asymmetry has shrunk the space for alternative views and respect for traditional visions of life and well-being.

The space to discuss whose vision is important has been controlled by QMM since the Anosy regional development plan was created, led by QMM’s paid Canadian consultant almost twenty years ago, and has diminished ever since.

Road to transparency

Rio Tinto HQ needs to honestly address QMM’s failings and rebalance the disproportionate levels of power it exercises in advancing and protecting its agenda in the Anosy region.

In this, Rio Tinto has a way to travel before it can convince local people and many international observers that it is transparent in its dealings, robustly monitored by independent bodies, and ready to act with integrity when caught failing to meet its obligations to local people, their rights and well-being.

ALT UK is still waiting for a written explanation for how the buffer zone violation can be characterised as “compliant”.

Eighteen months after ALT UK first raised the issue, Rio Tinto says that a team will be dispatched to Anosy and that a substantive written response will be forthcoming.

It is hoped this exercise will enable the company to finally acknowledge what it already knows: QMM has violated the environmental buffer zone in southern Madagascar.

All of which means three big questions come to the fore, namely: What will the Malagasy government do to hold the company to account for breaking national laws? How will the company remediate its unacceptable environmental violation? And how can local communities be made aware of and protected from the ensuing risks?

No one said the road to transparency would be easy but, as Andrew Lees loved to quote, “the truth will set you free.”

Right to Reply

Rio Tinto and QMM take their responsibilities to the communities and environment around the Fort Dauphin operations very seriously and have done so since the project’s inception in 2006.

We continue to engage openly and transparently with the author of this article, Ms Orengo, and the Andrew Lees Trust UK, most recently in October 2018. We have invited them on repeated occasions to come to Madagascar to see first-hand the conditions on the ground in and around the mine.

We are disappointed that they have declined every invitation. We also estimate that over the last two years, we have provided ALT UK with more than 120 pages of detailed information on a wide range of topics they have raised. They have also met with our senior executives on a number of occasions.

Many of the questions posed by ALT are very specific and technical so they require time to research before we can respond to them.  We have however never failed to acknowledge any requests and ultimately respond.

Further to this engagement, we are currently undertaking a technical study into a number of their allegations and we have committed to making this report public when it is completed. It will be translated into Malagasy for the benefit of all our local stakeholders.

Monitoring activities

QMM fully respects the oversight rights, capacity and prerogatives of the Malagasy regulator and laws, and has always followed due process in applying for its permits. Our code of business conduct, The way we work, sets out how we follow both local laws and our own international standards wherever we operate.

We have always taken a proactive, rights-based and collaborative approach to discussions with communities surrounding the Mandena mine and in establishing agreements with those impacted by the mine’s operations. This includes ensuring continued access to resources, pasture land and walking pathways within the mining concession.

QMM worked with government to ensure that the rights of all traditional land owners within the mining concession were recognised. This was done through an open process and resulted in a signed tri-partite agreement in Malagasy between all parties – communities, local authorities and QMM.

Building strong and enduring partnerships based on trust, proactive dialogue and mutual benefits is a key element in QMM’s ongoing approach with communities and stakeholders. Since the project’s inception in 2006, QMM has worked with local communities to improve the economic conditions of the area and wellbeing of the population. It continues to provide jobs, local procurement, economic growth opportunities, youth development and power locally.

As per Malagasy law, QMM is required to fund certain monitoring activities conducted by the regulator as per our Social & Environmental Management Plan. There are examples of similar practices in a number of jurisdictions around the world. This is set out in a formal signed protocol between ONE and QMM.

This Author

Yvonne Orengo is an independent communications practitioner and director of the Andrew Lees Trust, a British charity set up following the death of its namesake in Madagascar in 1994. Yvonne was based in Madagascar for more than six years, and developed the ALT UK’s strategic programme; she has followed the evolution of Rio Tinto’s QMM project for more than two decades.

World Bank ends support for coal worldwide

The World Bank has abandoned the last coal project on its books – with its president publicly dumping the Kosova e Re plant.

Jim Yong Kim was asked by civil society representatives from Kosovo whether the bank was still considering guaranteeing loans to the plant at a town hall event in Bali.

“On the Balkans, yes, we have made a very firm decision not to go forward with the coal power plant,” he said.

Proven right

Climate Home News reported in June that World Bank officials had met minister of economic development Valdrin Lluka, amid rumours that a bank review had rejected the project on the grounds that there were cheaper options to solve Kosovo’s energy crisis.

Kim has now said: “We are required by our by-laws to go with the lowest cost option and renewables have now come below the cost of coal. So without question, we are not going to (support the plant).’

In 2015, the Kosovo government announced that it had signed an agreementwith the World Bank and US company ContourGlobal to build the new station.

It is unclear what the withdrawal of the bank’s guarantee means for the financing of the project, which has long been a centrepiece infrastructure project for the Kosovo government.

In a statement last month, Kosovo prime minister Ramush Haradinaj said construction was likely to begin early next year. Lluka and ContourGlobal did not immediately return requests for comment.

Energy supply

Dajana Berisha, founding member of the Kosovo Civil Society Consortium for Sustainable Development (Kosid) said: “We’re happy that our efforts, work has been proven to be right.

“But now another battle will probably begin, because we don’t know whether the government will continue searching for other investors to come and support the project.”

In 2013 World Bank revised its lending policies to rule out new coal projects, except in “exceptional circumstances”. Kosova e Re has been the only coal project for which the bank has been considering support.

Years of war and slow reconstruction have left Kosovo with a power sector based entirely on the tiny country’s abundant lignite resource. Two Tito-era power stations, just outside the capital Prishtina, are notorious for breakdowns, black outs and air pollution.

In September, Joseph Brandt, founder and CEO of ContourGlobal, announced several bids for contracts to build and operate the plant. He said it was “crucial to the future of Kosovo’s energy supply”.

The World Bank’s involvement in the coal sector in Kosovo has been controversial. In 2016, CHN reported on leaked internal documents that found the bank had breached its own rules when villagers were forced from their homes to make way for a coal mine expansion.

This Article

This Article first appeared on Climate Home News.

Air pollution now ‘largest health crisis’

Air pollution from the burning of fossil fuels by vehicles and industry reduces lives by two years on average, according to research from the Energy Policy Institute at the University of Chicago.

In India and China – and other worst effected regions – people’s lives are being cut by six years. This makes air pollution the single biggest threat to human health, more than smoking and Aids.

Michael Greenstone, the director of the Energy Policy Institute at the University of Chicago, who led the work, said: “While people can stop smoking and take steps to protect themselves from diseases, there is little they can individually do to protect themselves from the air they breathe.”

Fossil fuel

Air pollution is also at the top of the agenda of the World Health Organisation. “We’re here to talk about both the problems as well as the solutions to this global health issue,” declared director general of the WHO Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus as he opened the first global summit to tackle the issue of air pollution.

More than 600 government representatives and health experts from at least 89 different countries have gathered to discuss what the head of WHO has labeled “the new tobacco”.

Worldwide, the WHO estimated that seven million premature deaths are linked to air pollution every year, of which nearly 600,000 are children.

Children are uniquely vulnerable to the damaging health effects of air pollution, the new WHO report finds. An estimated 93% of all children in the world under five years are exposed to levels of fine particulate matter (PM2.5) that are higher than the WHO air quality guideline levels.

In regions such as Africa and the Eastern Mediterranean, this goes up to 100 percent of all children under 5 years.

The air pollution that affects our health is primarily derived from fossil fuel combustion, industrial processes, waste incineration, agricultural practices,states the report, entitled Air Pollution and Child Health.

Solutions Abound

“It is an unfortunate fact that breathing clean air, the most basic of human needs, has become a luxury in many parts of the world. But there are numerous tried and tested solutions that we can put in place now to solve this problem,” declared Erik Solheim, head of UN Environment, during the first day of the conference.

In a solutions report to be launched at the Summit, entitled Air Pollution in Asia and the Pacific: Science-based Solutions, a series of 25 measures will be proposed that could drastically help reduce the rampant air pollution across much of Asia and the Pacific.

Many of the proposed solutions to tackle global air pollution require a strong control of emission that lead to the formation of fine particulate matter (PM2.5). This includes activities such as increasing emission standards and controls on vehicles, power plants, and large- and small-scale industry.

Further air pollution measures should also include reducing the burning of agricultural and municipal solid waste, preventing forest and peatland fires, and proper management of livestock manure.

Reducing air pollution also has direct benefits for tackling climate change: Implementing the 25 measures proposed at the summit would result in a 20 percent reduction in carbon dioxide and a 45 percent reduction in methane emissions, preventing up to a third of a degree Celsius in global warming.

“[It is] clear that there are big “cobenefits” of the actions that we need to stay below 1.5C warming.  The faster we cut emissions of carbon into the atmosphere, the more lives we can save from reducing air pollution, which currently causes 1 in 9 deaths globally,” explained Diarmid Campbell-Lendrum, the climate change lead at WHO.

This Author

Arthur Wyns is a tropical biologist and science journalist who writes about climate change, environment and migration. He reports from the UN negotiations and is the program manager of Climate Tracker, an organisation supporting environmental journalists worldwide to bring climate change into their national debates. Arthur tweets from @ArthurWyns

Biggest autumn beach clean ever

Surfers Against Sewage’s intrepid army of volunteers descended on the beaches and waterways across the UK for the biggest Autumn Beach and River Clean ever in their history.

As the weather changed, and the nights began to draw in, this mass community mobilisation answered the call issued by SAS in light of the plastic pollution found on our shorelines. The pollution had been worsened by recent storms. 

Over 21,200 volunteers of all ages took part in cleans at over 487 beaches, river banks and lakes across the UK to remove a staggering 35.9 tonnes of marine plastic pollution, the equivalent of 8,991 full bin bags.

Community network 

SAS’s director of campaigns and projects, Ben Hewitt said: “We can make sure we don’t choke our streets, parks and playgrounds with plastic pollution. If it’s on our street today, then it’s in our rivers tomorrow, and our beaches and oceans forever.

“We can make sure each of us understands that we can change this, whoever we are and wherever we live. But we can only do all of this together.

“We’re part of a community network across the UK that’s tackling single-use plastic from the beach, all the way back to the brands and businesses who create it.

“Thanks to the surge in awareness around plastic pollution, we were able to call on communities across the UK and were absolutely blown away by the response.

“These Citizen Scientists donated more than 73,454 volunteer hours. They also helped us collect a data set that will form an integral part of our campaign for new plastic bottle Deposit Return Scheme in the UK”

This Article

This article is based on a press release from Surfers Against Sewage. The beach clean series was organised by Surfers against Sewage and supported by partners; Greggs, The Environment Agency, British Canoeing, Ecover, Parley For The Oceans, REN Skincare, Surfing England and WSL Pure.

Indian folklore and environmental ethics

I met Egam Basar – assistant director at the Department of Horticulture – in Itanagar, the disappointingly dusty capital of Arunachal Pradesh, the erstwhile North-East Frontier of India. 

My wife and I were there to meet some people studying glaciers through satellite images and remote sensing techniques. We were hoping to connect our work on the Sikkim glaciers with theirs on the glaciers of Arunachal Pradesh.

Basar told us about his initiatives to discourage hunting and restore the forests in and around his native village of Basar. Listening to him, I was reminded that stories hold the power to shape our reality and guide our actions within that construct.

Local action

I wonder whether Basar was aware of this when narrating the stories that he told us.

Arunachal Pradesh has some of the last and the largest contiguous patches of forests remaining in the whole of India. Basar talked passionately of the need for local action, and was acutely aware of how rapidly his state is losing its wildlife and its forest cover.

This year, the organisation that Basar and his friends founded back in 2011 is planting saplings of native species back into the forest. But it was the stories leading up to this initiative that really caught my attention.

I wouldn’t have known what to make of his stories had I not seen Ajay Bhardwaj’s documentary on the narratives about the partition of Punjab – the fertile plains of the five braided rivers in India’s northwest – and of its aftermath.

Sometimes, like birds hidden in a tree, you need someone to point these things out before you see them for yourself. Bhardwaj’s documentary features eyewitnesses recounting their memories of the partition, one of the largest forced migration of people anywhere in the world, marked by terrible violence. 

Reinforcing belief

Basar started with the story of a huge flash flood in his village a couple of years ago: “There had been floods before, but no one had ever seen anything like this. Even climate change can’t explain what happened.”

He wasn’t there, but eyewitnesses had told him about water gushing in a torrent from the sheer mountainside and washing away everything that stood in its path.

“Such natural calamities are linked in people’s minds to their beliefs”, he explained, while scanning our expression to see if we understood.

He explained: “The elders would warn us against cutting trees. And then more recently, there was this big, ancient Peepal tree (a fig tree, Ficus religiosa) that people believed was the abode of spirits. Some people chopped it down.

“In the following year the flash flood inundated the rice fields of all those involved in chopping the tree and rendered them uncultivable.”

Inviolable landscapes

Basar’s story brought to mind something that I’d read in Mike Shanahan’s book about figs, Ladders to Heaven. It was a quote from the Ramayana, where Ravana says, “I have not cut down any fig tree … why then does calamity befall me?

I’d heard similar stories other places and in other forms as well. For instance, in the folklore surrounding the sacred groves of the Khasi hills in Meghalaya.

The Khasis perform annual rituals that offer the sacred groves to the spirits, who must then stay within these designated areas. The sanctity of the grove is inviolable, no one willing to risk taking so much as a fallen leaf from it.

In fact, one finds this kind of injunction in most ancient religions. In her book about Hinduism and Nature, Nanditha Krishna writes: “There was a popular belief that the cutting of trees would bring about the destruction of the woodcutter and his family”.

There are also the more contemporary narratives from the edges, where Arunachal Pradesh meets Assam. Here, large pockets of what used to be good Reserve Forest – a habitat for elephants and hornbills – have been cleared in a matter of years. Nowadays these places look like haphazard villages submerged in a sea of weeds.

Cursed money

A friend of mine who lives in Arunachal Pradesh summed up the situation: “The money that comes from forest trees is cursed. One can never digest it.”

But Basar’s stories differed in some crucial aspect. I was still struggling to see why they seemed so familiar, turning and twisting them in my head to see where they fit. Then he related one last incident and it all fell into place.

Basar told us: “There used to be this man who started a saw mill by the river in our village. The elders warned him against making money from the forest, but he wouldn’t listen.” Eventually the man was diagnosed with cancer and died a horrible, drawn out death, losing his mind towards the end.

Basar said: “Only god knows if his suffering was due to a curse for felling trees, his food habit or just his fate. His workers, however, died in the devastating flash flood which uprooted the entire mill complex – vehicles, machinery, everything washed away – as if nature had exacted vengeance.”

Losing one’s mind; a long drawn out death – I’d heard of a similar fate that someone else met with, and I’d heard about it in Ajay Bhardwaj’s documentary.

Collective guilt

Only those who have lived through the partition know what it was like. The trauma of being pulled up from the roots and flung towards a foreign land across a sieve of unimaginable violence leaves scars that never heal.

But what drove Ajay to make the documentary was a remarkable feature that emerged from the first few interviews with people who had lived through those times. He discovered that the chief emotion that coloured their memories wasn’t hatred, but remorse.

People would time and again describe atrocities etched indelibly in their minds, atrocities that they’d seen committed not by strangers, but by people that they knew, people that they’d lived amongst, seen every day and spoken to.

And these would be followed inevitably by the awful fate that the perpetrators eventually met with: of the awful deaths they died, the terrible fates their family suffered, of insanity and derangement that wiped out the entire lineage.

What Ajay calls “informal tales, almost like folklore … strewn across the memory-scape of Punjab’s countryside” is their way of dealing with the collective guilt for a crime that they felt a certain complicity in; a crime against their neighbours, and a crime against their shared heritage.

Local history

This was exactly what I thought I saw in Basar’s stories about his own community. They were incidents from a local history slowly taking on the garb of local folklore, and they seemed like attempts to deal with a collective guilt for wrongs committed against nature.

Stories like the ones that Basar told us record the attitudes of people who witnessed the events and what they think of them with the wisdom of hindsight. These accounts are indispensible in shaping our attitudes and those of generations to come.

We need more narratives like these: whether of forests being cleared to make way for plantations in Arunachal Pradesh or for roads in Meghalaya, or stories of the land consolidation in east Punjab (chackbandi) that saw the indiscriminate felling of trees.

It is important that we know what the people who did that then think of their actions now, so that it can inform our decisions about the future.

Numbed and befuddled by a world where money is equated to happiness – and faster money to greater happiness – we’ve lost our moral bearings.

Alternative narratives

Governments that have little regard for the environment cannot be expected to formulate policies that will prioritise ecology over some shiny, near-sighted idea of development.

But away from the limelight of media and the billboards selling you a better life, there are streams of alternative narratives that have recorded the real impacts of everything upon people and upon interpersonal relations – from the advent of electricity to the influx of easy income.

It’s time we dipped into them – these narratives that account for human emotions and wellbeing – to piece together a moral framework that will make our lives as individuals more meaningful.

This Author 

Sartaj Ghuman is a freelance biologist, writer and artist based in India. 

Whale songs ‘complex’ and ‘revolutionary’

All male humpback whales in the eastern Australia population sing the same song at any one time, according to new research from the University of St Andrews and the University of Queensland.

Research into song patterns studied over 13 years found that the song gradually changed each year – but that every few years their song is completely replaced in cultural ‘revolution’ events. When revolution events occurred, the new song was always simpler than the one it replaced.

The study, published today in the Proceedings of the Royal Society B, suggests that gradual song changes may be embellishments by individual singers, and that songs sung after revolutions are simpler because singers may have limited ability to learn new material.

Singing revolutions

The research was led by Dr Jenny Allen at the University of Queensland and Dr Ellen Garland at St Andrews. Dr Allen said: “Much evidence for non-human culture comes from vocally learned displays, such as the vocal dialects and song displays of birds and cetaceans. 

“While many oscine birds use song complexity to assess male fitness, the role of complexity in humpback whale (Megaptera novaeangliae) song is uncertain due to population-wide conformity to one song pattern. 

“We examined two measures of song structure, complexity and entropy, in the eastern Australian population over 13 consecutive years.  These measures aimed to identify the role of complexity and information content in the vocal learning processes of humpback whales.

Complexity and entropy 

“Complexity was quantified at two hierarchical levels: the entire sequence of individual sound units and the stereotyped arrangements of units which comprise a theme. Complexity increased as songs evolved over time but decreased when revolutions occurred.

“No correlation between complexity and entropy estimates suggests that changes to complexity may represent embellishment to the song which could allow males to stand out amidst population-wide conformity. 

“The consistent reduction in complexity during song revolutions suggests a potential limit to the social learning capacity of novel material in humpback whales.”

This Author

Brendan Montague is editor of The Ecologist. This article is based on a press release from the University of St Andrews. 

Whale songs ‘complex’ and ‘revolutionary’

All male humpback whales in the eastern Australia population sing the same song at any one time, according to new research from the University of St Andrews and the University of Queensland.

Research into song patterns studied over 13 years found that the song gradually changed each year – but that every few years their song is completely replaced in cultural ‘revolution’ events. When revolution events occurred, the new song was always simpler than the one it replaced.

The study, published today in the Proceedings of the Royal Society B, suggests that gradual song changes may be embellishments by individual singers, and that songs sung after revolutions are simpler because singers may have limited ability to learn new material.

Singing revolutions

The research was led by Dr Jenny Allen at the University of Queensland and Dr Ellen Garland at St Andrews. Dr Allen said: “Much evidence for non-human culture comes from vocally learned displays, such as the vocal dialects and song displays of birds and cetaceans. 

“While many oscine birds use song complexity to assess male fitness, the role of complexity in humpback whale (Megaptera novaeangliae) song is uncertain due to population-wide conformity to one song pattern. 

“We examined two measures of song structure, complexity and entropy, in the eastern Australian population over 13 consecutive years.  These measures aimed to identify the role of complexity and information content in the vocal learning processes of humpback whales.

Complexity and entropy 

“Complexity was quantified at two hierarchical levels: the entire sequence of individual sound units and the stereotyped arrangements of units which comprise a theme. Complexity increased as songs evolved over time but decreased when revolutions occurred.

“No correlation between complexity and entropy estimates suggests that changes to complexity may represent embellishment to the song which could allow males to stand out amidst population-wide conformity. 

“The consistent reduction in complexity during song revolutions suggests a potential limit to the social learning capacity of novel material in humpback whales.”

This Author

Brendan Montague is editor of The Ecologist. This article is based on a press release from the University of St Andrews. 

Whale songs ‘complex’ and ‘revolutionary’

All male humpback whales in the eastern Australia population sing the same song at any one time, according to new research from the University of St Andrews and the University of Queensland.

Research into song patterns studied over 13 years found that the song gradually changed each year – but that every few years their song is completely replaced in cultural ‘revolution’ events. When revolution events occurred, the new song was always simpler than the one it replaced.

The study, published today in the Proceedings of the Royal Society B, suggests that gradual song changes may be embellishments by individual singers, and that songs sung after revolutions are simpler because singers may have limited ability to learn new material.

Singing revolutions

The research was led by Dr Jenny Allen at the University of Queensland and Dr Ellen Garland at St Andrews. Dr Allen said: “Much evidence for non-human culture comes from vocally learned displays, such as the vocal dialects and song displays of birds and cetaceans. 

“While many oscine birds use song complexity to assess male fitness, the role of complexity in humpback whale (Megaptera novaeangliae) song is uncertain due to population-wide conformity to one song pattern. 

“We examined two measures of song structure, complexity and entropy, in the eastern Australian population over 13 consecutive years.  These measures aimed to identify the role of complexity and information content in the vocal learning processes of humpback whales.

Complexity and entropy 

“Complexity was quantified at two hierarchical levels: the entire sequence of individual sound units and the stereotyped arrangements of units which comprise a theme. Complexity increased as songs evolved over time but decreased when revolutions occurred.

“No correlation between complexity and entropy estimates suggests that changes to complexity may represent embellishment to the song which could allow males to stand out amidst population-wide conformity. 

“The consistent reduction in complexity during song revolutions suggests a potential limit to the social learning capacity of novel material in humpback whales.”

This Author

Brendan Montague is editor of The Ecologist. This article is based on a press release from the University of St Andrews. 

Whale songs ‘complex’ and ‘revolutionary’

All male humpback whales in the eastern Australia population sing the same song at any one time, according to new research from the University of St Andrews and the University of Queensland.

Research into song patterns studied over 13 years found that the song gradually changed each year – but that every few years their song is completely replaced in cultural ‘revolution’ events. When revolution events occurred, the new song was always simpler than the one it replaced.

The study, published today in the Proceedings of the Royal Society B, suggests that gradual song changes may be embellishments by individual singers, and that songs sung after revolutions are simpler because singers may have limited ability to learn new material.

Singing revolutions

The research was led by Dr Jenny Allen at the University of Queensland and Dr Ellen Garland at St Andrews. Dr Allen said: “Much evidence for non-human culture comes from vocally learned displays, such as the vocal dialects and song displays of birds and cetaceans. 

“While many oscine birds use song complexity to assess male fitness, the role of complexity in humpback whale (Megaptera novaeangliae) song is uncertain due to population-wide conformity to one song pattern. 

“We examined two measures of song structure, complexity and entropy, in the eastern Australian population over 13 consecutive years.  These measures aimed to identify the role of complexity and information content in the vocal learning processes of humpback whales.

Complexity and entropy 

“Complexity was quantified at two hierarchical levels: the entire sequence of individual sound units and the stereotyped arrangements of units which comprise a theme. Complexity increased as songs evolved over time but decreased when revolutions occurred.

“No correlation between complexity and entropy estimates suggests that changes to complexity may represent embellishment to the song which could allow males to stand out amidst population-wide conformity. 

“The consistent reduction in complexity during song revolutions suggests a potential limit to the social learning capacity of novel material in humpback whales.”

This Author

Brendan Montague is editor of The Ecologist. This article is based on a press release from the University of St Andrews. 

Whale songs ‘complex’ and ‘revolutionary’

All male humpback whales in the eastern Australia population sing the same song at any one time, according to new research from the University of St Andrews and the University of Queensland.

Research into song patterns studied over 13 years found that the song gradually changed each year – but that every few years their song is completely replaced in cultural ‘revolution’ events. When revolution events occurred, the new song was always simpler than the one it replaced.

The study, published today in the Proceedings of the Royal Society B, suggests that gradual song changes may be embellishments by individual singers, and that songs sung after revolutions are simpler because singers may have limited ability to learn new material.

Singing revolutions

The research was led by Dr Jenny Allen at the University of Queensland and Dr Ellen Garland at St Andrews. Dr Allen said: “Much evidence for non-human culture comes from vocally learned displays, such as the vocal dialects and song displays of birds and cetaceans. 

“While many oscine birds use song complexity to assess male fitness, the role of complexity in humpback whale (Megaptera novaeangliae) song is uncertain due to population-wide conformity to one song pattern. 

“We examined two measures of song structure, complexity and entropy, in the eastern Australian population over 13 consecutive years.  These measures aimed to identify the role of complexity and information content in the vocal learning processes of humpback whales.

Complexity and entropy 

“Complexity was quantified at two hierarchical levels: the entire sequence of individual sound units and the stereotyped arrangements of units which comprise a theme. Complexity increased as songs evolved over time but decreased when revolutions occurred.

“No correlation between complexity and entropy estimates suggests that changes to complexity may represent embellishment to the song which could allow males to stand out amidst population-wide conformity. 

“The consistent reduction in complexity during song revolutions suggests a potential limit to the social learning capacity of novel material in humpback whales.”

This Author

Brendan Montague is editor of The Ecologist. This article is based on a press release from the University of St Andrews.