Institutions must overcome ‘zeitgeist of mistrust’

The growing mistrust and hostility towards global intuitions must be overcome if the world is to successfully tackle the environmental challenges it faces, the head of the University of Sussex’s global sustainability research centre has warned.

Too often, people consider organisations such as the UN as meddling amid a geopolitical backdrop of cancelled treaties, neglected obligations and frozen negotiations.

Professor Joseph Alcamo, Director of the Sussex Sustainability Research Programme (SSRP), said high-quality research and closer engagement with citizens around the world was needed to overcome this growing zeitgeist.

Environmental globalism

Delivering his keynote speech at the 2018 Utrecht Conference on Earth System Governance this morning, Prof Alcamo said: “To many people earth system governance is not beautiful, it is worrisome, it means loss of control over their lives,  and this mistrust is a big part of the national retrenchment going on.

The former UN Environment Chief Scientist also said: “The research community must find a way to fight mistrust in the global institutions needed for implementing the Sustainable Development Goals, and to figure out how to implement the goals efficiently.”

Prof Alcamo warned those who believed in global governance would need to act in order to ensure that the major milestones achieved in 2015 including The Paris Climate Agreement, the 2030 Development Agenda, and the Sendai Framework were not part of the last wave of environmental globalism before the era of national retrenchment.

Prof Alcamo said he believed there was a latent interest in global governance, illustrated by the one million tourists visiting the UN headquarters every year, and that engagement and cooperation through local civil society organisations and on-line could be vital to help rebuild trust.

Prof Alcamo explained: “Even though I personally believe that we are morally obliged to achieve the SDGs – there are probably not enough important people in the world that feel the same way.  But maybe, just maybe, they’ll be enough self-interest in the governments of the rich countries and private sector to propel the SDGs forward.

“Environmental protection and other societal goals are not a zero sum game. We can have it all and in fact we can’t have one without the other. Unfortunately this fallacy, this false dichotomy of a clash between economy and environment still has legs.”

This Article

This article is based on a press release from the University of Sussex.

Institutions must overcome ‘zeitgeist of mistrust’

The growing mistrust and hostility towards global intuitions must be overcome if the world is to successfully tackle the environmental challenges it faces, the head of the University of Sussex’s global sustainability research centre has warned.

Too often, people consider organisations such as the UN as meddling amid a geopolitical backdrop of cancelled treaties, neglected obligations and frozen negotiations.

Professor Joseph Alcamo, Director of the Sussex Sustainability Research Programme (SSRP), said high-quality research and closer engagement with citizens around the world was needed to overcome this growing zeitgeist.

Environmental globalism

Delivering his keynote speech at the 2018 Utrecht Conference on Earth System Governance this morning, Prof Alcamo said: “To many people earth system governance is not beautiful, it is worrisome, it means loss of control over their lives,  and this mistrust is a big part of the national retrenchment going on.

The former UN Environment Chief Scientist also said: “The research community must find a way to fight mistrust in the global institutions needed for implementing the Sustainable Development Goals, and to figure out how to implement the goals efficiently.”

Prof Alcamo warned those who believed in global governance would need to act in order to ensure that the major milestones achieved in 2015 including The Paris Climate Agreement, the 2030 Development Agenda, and the Sendai Framework were not part of the last wave of environmental globalism before the era of national retrenchment.

Prof Alcamo said he believed there was a latent interest in global governance, illustrated by the one million tourists visiting the UN headquarters every year, and that engagement and cooperation through local civil society organisations and on-line could be vital to help rebuild trust.

Prof Alcamo explained: “Even though I personally believe that we are morally obliged to achieve the SDGs – there are probably not enough important people in the world that feel the same way.  But maybe, just maybe, they’ll be enough self-interest in the governments of the rich countries and private sector to propel the SDGs forward.

“Environmental protection and other societal goals are not a zero sum game. We can have it all and in fact we can’t have one without the other. Unfortunately this fallacy, this false dichotomy of a clash between economy and environment still has legs.”

This Article

This article is based on a press release from the University of Sussex.

Institutions must overcome ‘zeitgeist of mistrust’

The growing mistrust and hostility towards global intuitions must be overcome if the world is to successfully tackle the environmental challenges it faces, the head of the University of Sussex’s global sustainability research centre has warned.

Too often, people consider organisations such as the UN as meddling amid a geopolitical backdrop of cancelled treaties, neglected obligations and frozen negotiations.

Professor Joseph Alcamo, Director of the Sussex Sustainability Research Programme (SSRP), said high-quality research and closer engagement with citizens around the world was needed to overcome this growing zeitgeist.

Environmental globalism

Delivering his keynote speech at the 2018 Utrecht Conference on Earth System Governance this morning, Prof Alcamo said: “To many people earth system governance is not beautiful, it is worrisome, it means loss of control over their lives,  and this mistrust is a big part of the national retrenchment going on.

The former UN Environment Chief Scientist also said: “The research community must find a way to fight mistrust in the global institutions needed for implementing the Sustainable Development Goals, and to figure out how to implement the goals efficiently.”

Prof Alcamo warned those who believed in global governance would need to act in order to ensure that the major milestones achieved in 2015 including The Paris Climate Agreement, the 2030 Development Agenda, and the Sendai Framework were not part of the last wave of environmental globalism before the era of national retrenchment.

Prof Alcamo said he believed there was a latent interest in global governance, illustrated by the one million tourists visiting the UN headquarters every year, and that engagement and cooperation through local civil society organisations and on-line could be vital to help rebuild trust.

Prof Alcamo explained: “Even though I personally believe that we are morally obliged to achieve the SDGs – there are probably not enough important people in the world that feel the same way.  But maybe, just maybe, they’ll be enough self-interest in the governments of the rich countries and private sector to propel the SDGs forward.

“Environmental protection and other societal goals are not a zero sum game. We can have it all and in fact we can’t have one without the other. Unfortunately this fallacy, this false dichotomy of a clash between economy and environment still has legs.”

This Article

This article is based on a press release from the University of Sussex.

Institutions must overcome ‘zeitgeist of mistrust’

The growing mistrust and hostility towards global intuitions must be overcome if the world is to successfully tackle the environmental challenges it faces, the head of the University of Sussex’s global sustainability research centre has warned.

Too often, people consider organisations such as the UN as meddling amid a geopolitical backdrop of cancelled treaties, neglected obligations and frozen negotiations.

Professor Joseph Alcamo, Director of the Sussex Sustainability Research Programme (SSRP), said high-quality research and closer engagement with citizens around the world was needed to overcome this growing zeitgeist.

Environmental globalism

Delivering his keynote speech at the 2018 Utrecht Conference on Earth System Governance this morning, Prof Alcamo said: “To many people earth system governance is not beautiful, it is worrisome, it means loss of control over their lives,  and this mistrust is a big part of the national retrenchment going on.

The former UN Environment Chief Scientist also said: “The research community must find a way to fight mistrust in the global institutions needed for implementing the Sustainable Development Goals, and to figure out how to implement the goals efficiently.”

Prof Alcamo warned those who believed in global governance would need to act in order to ensure that the major milestones achieved in 2015 including The Paris Climate Agreement, the 2030 Development Agenda, and the Sendai Framework were not part of the last wave of environmental globalism before the era of national retrenchment.

Prof Alcamo said he believed there was a latent interest in global governance, illustrated by the one million tourists visiting the UN headquarters every year, and that engagement and cooperation through local civil society organisations and on-line could be vital to help rebuild trust.

Prof Alcamo explained: “Even though I personally believe that we are morally obliged to achieve the SDGs – there are probably not enough important people in the world that feel the same way.  But maybe, just maybe, they’ll be enough self-interest in the governments of the rich countries and private sector to propel the SDGs forward.

“Environmental protection and other societal goals are not a zero sum game. We can have it all and in fact we can’t have one without the other. Unfortunately this fallacy, this false dichotomy of a clash between economy and environment still has legs.”

This Article

This article is based on a press release from the University of Sussex.

Institutions must overcome ‘zeitgeist of mistrust’

The growing mistrust and hostility towards global intuitions must be overcome if the world is to successfully tackle the environmental challenges it faces, the head of the University of Sussex’s global sustainability research centre has warned.

Too often, people consider organisations such as the UN as meddling amid a geopolitical backdrop of cancelled treaties, neglected obligations and frozen negotiations.

Professor Joseph Alcamo, Director of the Sussex Sustainability Research Programme (SSRP), said high-quality research and closer engagement with citizens around the world was needed to overcome this growing zeitgeist.

Environmental globalism

Delivering his keynote speech at the 2018 Utrecht Conference on Earth System Governance this morning, Prof Alcamo said: “To many people earth system governance is not beautiful, it is worrisome, it means loss of control over their lives,  and this mistrust is a big part of the national retrenchment going on.

The former UN Environment Chief Scientist also said: “The research community must find a way to fight mistrust in the global institutions needed for implementing the Sustainable Development Goals, and to figure out how to implement the goals efficiently.”

Prof Alcamo warned those who believed in global governance would need to act in order to ensure that the major milestones achieved in 2015 including The Paris Climate Agreement, the 2030 Development Agenda, and the Sendai Framework were not part of the last wave of environmental globalism before the era of national retrenchment.

Prof Alcamo said he believed there was a latent interest in global governance, illustrated by the one million tourists visiting the UN headquarters every year, and that engagement and cooperation through local civil society organisations and on-line could be vital to help rebuild trust.

Prof Alcamo explained: “Even though I personally believe that we are morally obliged to achieve the SDGs – there are probably not enough important people in the world that feel the same way.  But maybe, just maybe, they’ll be enough self-interest in the governments of the rich countries and private sector to propel the SDGs forward.

“Environmental protection and other societal goals are not a zero sum game. We can have it all and in fact we can’t have one without the other. Unfortunately this fallacy, this false dichotomy of a clash between economy and environment still has legs.”

This Article

This article is based on a press release from the University of Sussex.

The Paris climate gang is breaking up

The alliance of rich, emerging and poor economies that sealed the Paris climate deal is falling apart. In 2015, the world’s top two emitters, the US and China, joined with Brazil, some small island countries and the European Union, led by Germany, France and the UK, to land the agreement.

But climate change politics have shifted significantly since then. Brazil elected a staunch and radical anti-environmentalist president, while Germany’s Angela Merkel confirmed her exit plans, further weakening an already fading image as the “climate chancellor” and Europe’s go-to leader in the field.

It is the latest bout of a malaise that has infected climate efforts since Donald Trump was elected in the US in 2016.

Slow and fraught

Now, in many important countries, climate scepticism and economic nationalism are usurping the international green enthusiasm of 2015.

As a result, political support for slashing greenhouse gas emissions, sending aid to the poorest and most vulnerable countries and discussing it all in multilateral summits is waning.

Others that remain committed to climate action are consumed by domestic concerns – like Brexit in the UK, and political instability in Germany.

None of this bodes well for the Cop24 climate summit in Katowice, Poland this December, where nearly 200 countries must agree the complex rules to keep each other on track to fulfil the Paris goals for limiting the temperature rise.

Negotiations in the run-up to what observers are calling the most important Cop since Paris have been slow and fraught.

Radical changes

The rhetoric going into the meeting is less positive than before Paris – at least in the top echelons of national politics.

Ambitious calls to overhaul old, dirty sectors such as energy and transport is matched by caution from Germany, Poland, Australia, Brazil, the US and others about the need to protect industrial heavyweights such as coal miners, auto-makers and beef farmers.

“Of course, we have big issue with Trump and the consequences of Trump in other countries,” said Laurence Tubiana, chief executive of the European Climate Foundation and France’s ambassador at the Paris summit.

That raises the pressure for Katowice, she said. “Symbolically, politically, to have a well-run Cop which delivers on its results is really important to show that whatever the ups and downs of the global politics on climate, and however much the climate issue is taken hostage by certain political parties, in reality there is still global consensus pushing for it.”

The election of the rightwing Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil is set to bring radical changes, including opening the Amazon to mining, agriculture and construction and merging the environment and agriculture ministries.

Step down

Bolsonaro said that he would not pull out of the Paris Agreement, as long as it did not affect Brazilian control over the Andes mountains, Amazon and Atlantic Ocean. Previously, however, he praised US president Trump for his decision to withdraw.

Brazil was never an all-out champion of climate action. Yet it did help tip the balance in favour of a stronger Paris Agreement, breaking ranks with other emerging economies and backing bigger and faster emissions cuts.

More recently, Michel Temer’s current government has crimped Amazon deforestation – while drawing criticism from environmentalists for still favouring farmers – and secured the role of host of next year’s COP25 summit, where countries will be under pressure to hike their national commitments to reducing greenhouse gases.

Compared to Bolsonaro’s Brazil, the German shift will be far more subtle – with continued headline support for the Paris Agreement and strict rules to fulfil it, as well as financial aid for poorer countries.

But Merkel’s announcement on Monday, that she will step down as leader of her conservative Christian Democratic Union and will not stand for re-election in 2021, further weakens her clout.

Political upheaval

Her image on climate change has already taken a hit this year, amid criticism for allowing deforestation for a coal mine, failure to meet the country’s 2020 emissions reduction goal, and slow progress on setting an end date for coal use.

It marks a change from 2015, when Merkel won praise for securing a G7 commitment to keeping the temperature below 2C, just months before Paris. Germany’s Energiewende pivot to renewable energy has also lost its lustre since then, and is now blamed for keeping coal afloat to make up for the shutdown of emissions-free nuclear power plants.

“I do not expect Merkel to stand out at the Cop,” said German European parliament member Reinhard Bütikofer, co-chair of the European Greens, adding that she is swayed by the Social Democrats’ “conventional and backward” views on environmental policy.

Referring to the chancellor’s 2007 trip to learn about the consequences of global warming, he added: “Merkel has not been a proactive force in that realm of policymaking ever since she famously sported her red jacket in front of some Greenland glaciers.”

These developments come after two years of political upheaval that has affected all the key players in the Paris deal.

Drive action

The most well-documented was Trump’s announcement six months after Paris that he would pull the US out of the deal, and subsequent moves to eliminate Obama-era measures including limits on coal-fired power and fuel efficiency improvements.

Meanwhile Australia – always reluctant to take climate action that might harm its large resource economy – is growing more brazen, criticising international climate talks and funding and ruling out a quick end to coal use.

Similar views are still alive and kicking in coal-reliant Poland, which presides over Cop24. Warsaw tends to stress the need for a gradual transition from coal, along with forestry and technology to catch CO2 and offset fossil fuel burning, and the rise of electric transport – which could present new demand for coal-fired power.

Even China, which has set high targets for cutting coal use and adding renewables and electric vehicles, sticks to a hard line behind negotiating doors. It wants to differentiate the responsibilities for developing economies and put more burden on developed countries – something the US and EU oppose.

This leaves the question of where leadership will come from to drive action forward.

Decarbonised economy

“The political signals we are getting are not in favour of climate action,” said Harjeet Singh from the NGO ActionAid. “This is quite frustrating, this is a time when all of us in the global community should have come together to deal with this global problem.”

Still, climate change advocates stress that they see a positive side-effect to the disappointing turns in high-level politics: the rise of action from states, cities, regions, businesses, philanthropists and others.

“At this point the private sector and finance and technology have taken over the leadership and are decarbonising the electricity grid and are moving, not fast enough, but much more quickly than they were five years ago into a decarbonised economy,” Christiana Figueres, former head of the UN’s climate secretariat and convener of the Mission 2020 initiative, told Climate Home News.

This Article

This article first appeared on Climate Home News.

Avoiding Amazon in our online lives

The UK high street is in a state of flux as it contends with the dilemma of how to stay relevant in an age when more of us than ever are making purchases online.

This shift in shopping habits, and the recent closure of a number of household name stores, has been dubbed ‘the death of the high street’ with the phenomena of internet shopping often cast as the villain of the piece.

Online shopping currently accounts for 17.1 percent of all UK retail, and despite what the headlines might lead us to believe, it isn’t all bad; particularly if you make your purchases via an ethical, internet based, store.

Toxic chemicals

Several studies have compared the greenhouse gas emissions from online and traditional bricks-and-mortar shopping – with the consensus that online shopping is, on average, significantly better.

The major reason being transport – deliveries going in the same direction can be combined into one load, which is more efficient than lots of individual journey’s to the shops.

The challenge though is how to avoid the online behemoth that is Amazon: it currently has a 33.5 percent – and growing – market share of all the online shopping in the UK, and now their expansion into food delivery, web cloud services, streamed television and the production of electronics, means that they are more likely than ever to infiltrate daily life.

They may have recently announced a pay rise for some workers, but the regular expose’s about tax avoidance, their shocking environmental record, poor workers’ rights and warehouse conditions means they’re still far from an ethical option.

In fact they score a worst Ethical Consumer rating across almost all of the policy areas that we rate, from environmental reporting, to its toxic chemicals policy.

Popular entertainment

Earlier this year Amazon caused a scandal in Germany when it was revealed that every day goods such as refrigerators, washing machines, cell phones and furniture, worth several tens of thousands of euros were being destroyed, despite often still being usable, functional and sometimes even new products.

Amazon responded and said it is trying to destroy as few goods as possible by reselling through Amazon Warehouse, donations, recycling and delivery to second-hand sellers.

Klaus Töpfer, a former federal minister of the environment, described Amazon’s procedure as “irresponsible” and Greenpeace called for action: “We need to implement a law on banning the waste and destruction of first-hand and usable goods”, demanded Kirsten Brodde.  

And now online shopping is no longer restricted to the purchasing of goods. Services such as Amazon Prime Video, also have environmental consequences which many believe Amazon are failing to properly address. 

Prime is now one of the most popular entertainment channels in the UK, and in June this year secured the rights to stream a number of Premier League matches for three seasons from 2019.

Renewable powered

Paying to stream on-demand TV, films and sports coverage has become the norm, and the amount of internet traffic taken up by streaming services has dramatically increased.

Climate News Network stated, in 2017, that: “Video streaming to internet-enabled TVs, game consoles and mobile devices already accounts for more than 60 percent of all data traffic – and the latest forecasts suggest this will rise to more than 80 percent by 2020”.

And this matters, because to serve the ever-increasing demand for data, more and more data centres are needed, and they require a huge amount of energy to operate.

Some have predicted that data centres could account for 13 percent of global energy demand by 2030. If companies do not commit to powering these centres using renewable sources of energy, then this could significantly drive up demand for fossil fuels.

The Greenpeace ClickingClean report annually evaluates the environmental performance of tech companies and puts pressure on them to use renewables. It has seen some success, pushing companies – such as Apple and Google– towards 100 percent renewable powered data centres: in 2017 Apple achieved 83 percent powered by renewable energy, compared to Amazon’s poor 17 percent.

Internet giant

However, the old data centre model is being replaced, with more organisation’s preferring to outsource their own storage needs to cloud computing services. One company dominates this market, Amazon Web Services (AWS), which, as the name suggests, is owned by Amazon.

Amazon Web Services controls around 45 percent of the world’s cloud-computing capacity, and over the last few years, Greenpeace has been critical of AWS’s lack of transparency when it comes to the energy used in its data centres.

Greenpeace says it is particularly concerned by the fact that Amazon is building many of its new data centres in states like Virginia, which are largely powered by coal.

While Greenpeace has managed to collect data from Amazon regarding the types of energy used, the organisation strongly criticises AWS for its continued failure to divulge the amount of energy it is using to both the public and its clients.

The Ethical Consumer product guide to streaming services flagged Flix Premiere and Mubi, both independently owned film-streaming services, as alternatives to Amazon and Netflix (which uses Amazon web services), but the dominance and reach of the internet giant, means consumers need to be more alert than ever if they want to avoid Amazon in their daily lives.

Bridge that gap

So, despite all the negative press around their social and environmental practices, why do so many consumers still turn to the likes of Amazon?

A quick poll provided answers: when you’re in a hurry, need something specialist, and price is a consideration then finding an ethical alternative isn’t always that easy.

At Ethical Consumer we are trying to bridge that gap, now in the sixth year of its Amazon Boycott, we have published a number of product guides to help consumers avoid the online giant.

One of these guides rates 24 websites, which offer a variety of products marketed as ethical. We’ve also published guides to bookshops, e:readers, tablets and as mentioned above streaming services.

You can learn more about the ethical companies in these guide and more about Amazon on the Ethical Consumer website.

This Author

Tim Hunt is a co-editor at Ethical Consumer.

How free markets will cost the earth

Matt Ridley, as chairman of Northern Rock, was the canary in the coal mine when it came to the calamitous financial crisis of 2008 as he presided over the first run on the bank in Britain since the Victorian era.

He was made to answer for the ‘reckless’ policies of his bank and the roulette-wheel gambling of his less senior colleagues in Parliament. One man very clearly cannot be held responsible for an international economic collapse.

But, Ridley’s philosophy of ‘lukewarm’ neoliberalism was tested to absolute destruction in 2008 and the cost to millions of people around the entire world was both enormous and avoidable.

And yet, he retains his faith in neoliberal economics – and this remains the foundation of his climate ‘lukewarmism’. Where does this faith come from? And who really was to blame for the 2008 crisis?

Free market

Friedrich von Hayek, at the end of the Second World War, argued that creeping Socialism would lead to Nazism and any state control of the economy, including taxation, regulation and planning, would be disastrous. What was needed instead was a ‘free market’.

Hayek believed in a form of social Darwinism where the most successful form of society will have come into existence through competition with other cultures and economies. He argued that the economy, like nature, would evolve into a state of perfection, a ‘spontaneous order’. 

People acted only in their own self-interests, but the money they spent signalled where production should take place. This meant that markets could find equilibrium and stability; they would be self-correcting as successful businesses would boom and poor firms would fold.

His ideas were championed by the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) in Britain and around the world by his own organisation, the Mont Pelerin Society (MPS). The most famous disciple of the MPS was Milton Friedman who would become known as the father of the Chicago School of free market economics.

Post war

The free market radicals remained on the margins, however, as the regime of taxation, state ownership and price controls widely attributed to Keynesian economics correlated with the 1960s post-war boom, D. H. Lawrence and the Beatles.

The oil crisis of 1973, amid increasingly militant industrial action including miners’ strikes, signalled the end of the Keynesian era. Hayek’s ideas, channelled through oil funded free market think tanks on both sides of the Atlantic, were ready to be plucked off the shelves as an answer to the impasse.  

Margaret Thatcher in 1979 and Ronald Regan in 1982 came to power and using the state to impose the new free market order as advised by the quasi-academics. The energy industry in Britain was sold almost overnight, taxes were slashed, and unions broken. The spoils of the world’s last major oil discovery, in the North Sea, were squandered paying for the transition to a low tax, low spend government. 

The promise made by Thatcher was a new era of shared prosperity. Everyone would be better off. Everyone bought their houses and shares in the new nationalised industries.

They bought into capitalism of the free market kind. Nigel Lawson, as chancellor, was “chief orchestrator” of the free market“revolution”. It was he who deregulated the banks and seeded the housing bubble.

Lawson almost immediately experienced Black Monday when his beloved market turned on him and almost destroyed his career. He was forced to resign as inflation ran out of control. He was branded the “bankrupt chancellor” – on the bidding of Thatcher’s press enforcer. The economy lurched until the miracle of the Internet and the tech-industry boom.

Rational expectations

Robert Skidelsky, author of Keynes: The Return of the Master, explains that the fundamental change with neoliberalism – or New Classical economics – was an assumption that people were rational and everyone knew exactly the right price they should pay in the market.

“The New Classical economists developed the rational expectations hypothesis to demonstrate the uselessness and even harm of government interference with the market process,” he argues.

Joseph Stiglitz, the Keynesian and former chief economist at the World Bank, takes up the story Freefall in his indispensable account of the recent crisis. He begins his account with the bursting of the dot.com bubble, which began in March 2000 and, in less than three years wiped 78 percent off the value of tech stock.

George W. Bush, he explains, used the crisis to drive home even further tax cuts, his “cure-all for any economic disease”. Alan Greenspan, the free market chairman of the Federal Reserve in the United States, relied on monetary policy and lowered interest rates to flood the money markets with liquidity.

The move got the United States out of a crisis – but, rather than stimulating the tech bubble, investors simply moved on from the wreckage and created a new housing bubble.

Iraq oil

The economy was put under extraordinary strain because of the invasion of Iraq in 2003. Oil prices spiralled from $32 a barrel to $137 a barrel in July 2008. “This meant that Americans were spending $1.4billion per day to import oil (up from $292 million per day before the war started) instead of spending the money at home.”

The markets were awash with cash, and the housing bubble appeared, to free market economists and to those even more naive, to be an everlasting stream of milk and honey. And the banks chose to devise mortgages that would make them the most profits – not help homeowners or indeed investors.

Aggressive sellers pushed mortgages onto unsuspecting American families, charging high fees and being reckless as to whether they would ever be able to pay. These were turned into complex financial products by the banks, stamped by rating agencies and sold to investors – often pension companies. “It was this involvement in mortgage securitisation that proved lethal,” Stiglitz claims.

By 2007, the US had a deregulated market drowning in liquidity, low interest rates, a housing bubble, subprime lending, and an out-of-control financial sector. It was boom time. And Ridley and his Northern Rock enjoyed huge growth by importing these American practices. And then: bang.

“The only surprise about the economic crisis of 2008 was that it came as a surprise to so many,” Stieglitz argues. “The current crisis has uncovered fundamental flaws in the capitalist system, or at least the peculiar version of capitalism that [has] emerged…”

Lifetime debt

The costs of the deregulated market are almost impossible to understand.

Millions of people around the world have lost their homes while retaining a lifetime of debt; millions more have found themselves out of work. The state-funded bailing out of the banks made austerity and the huge cuts to public services the political order of the day.

Thatcher’s promise never came to pass. Her successor, David Cameron as Tory Prime Minister, cut essential services during a doubling of the national debt and still promises only austerity. The anger created fed a backlash which led directly to Brexit, and the current threat of a no deal recession. 

And Ridley? He stood down as chairman of Northern Rock, a job he inherited from his father. But he kept his beautiful country mansion in the family seat of Northumberland and relies, in part, on the income from his own private open cast coal mine.

He failed to see the risk of global economic crisis – millions paid the price. And he returned to his hobby of persuading the rest of us to ignore the risks of climate change despite the warnings of thousands of actual scientists around the world. 

This Author

Brendan Montague is editor of The Ecologist, founder of Request Initiative and co-author of Impact of Market Forces on Addictive Substances and Behaviours: The web of influence of addictive industries (Oxford University Press)He tweets at @EcoMontague. This article first appeared at Desmog.uk

 

Climate consciousness requires political pressure

The conclusion of the latest report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) comes as no surprise: it could be possible to limit human-induced global warming to 1.5oC but it will take tough measures. This is what has been projected for some time. 

National pledges made as part of the trumpeted Paris Agreement still mean we are on course for warming of about 3 by 2100, and therefore for a very high risk of ecosystem destruction and other severe effects

The UK government and the great majority of people believe that anthropogenic climate change is a fact.  So why is it that we have been so slow to respond to the evidence and take the necessary action to reduce carbon dioxide emissions?  

Apathetic response 

Political and social consciousness is largely unengaged.  In the UK one need look no further than the government decision to build a third runway at Heathrow airport, the continued subsidies given to fossil fuel companies, the reduction in incentives to install solar panels, and the slackening of planning regulations to allow fracking applications free passage.  

Egged on by invasive advertising, the acquisition of goods and consumption of energy continues unabated in most homes and workplaces, with little thought of the threat this poses to tomorrow. 

Two recent books, by authors who fully ‘believe in’ anthropogenic climate change, offer certain clues as to why public attitudes towards the looming danger are generally so apathetic.  One, by Rutger Bregman, is Utopia for Realists and how we can get there – originally published in Dutch in 2014 and in English in 2017.  The other is Steven Pinker’s 2018 Enlightenment Now.  

Both present positive propositions on other topics with confidence and verve, and make thoroughly worthwhile and thought-provoking reading. But each communicates a woefully inadequate stance towards climate change.   

Bregman’s focus is practical: the eradication of poverty and inequality. Drawing on the successful outcomes of a number of trial schemes, he makes a compelling case for the introduction of a universal basic income. 

He also argues for other major changes, such as a fifteen-hour working week, and taxation on capital instead of labour. He contends, with good reason, that “the idea that the GDP still serves as an accurate gauge of social welfare is one of the most widespread myths of our times”, and asserted that if we want a higher quality of life we will need to find alternative metrics. 

Cumulative threats

So far so good.  But the most fundamental aspects of welfare and a decent quality of life are secure shelter, food, water, and access to health care; climate change imperils them all. 

We have already seen an increase in floods, droughts, heatwaves, wildfires, and ferocious storms around the world. If we don’t succeed in halting the rise in global temperatures very soon, we can expect a dramatic escalation in death, injury and deprivation of enjoyable life, as homes are destroyed, harvests fail, diseases spread, people fight for resources or migrate in vast numbers, and insecurity and anxiety about the future become endemic.  

So what does Bregman have to say about climate change? He suggests that working less is the solution – to “stress, climate change, accidents, unemployment, emancipation of women, ageing population and inequality”. In cataloguing climate change together with these other problems Bregman implies that it is qualitatively and quantitatively on a par with them.  But, serious as they are, and deserving of action, climate change is in a league of its own.   

Several reasons combine to make global warming the most wicked of all wicked problems: the generation of carbon dioxide, and the capacity of the natural world to absorb it, is invisibly implicated in almost every aspect of everyday life: transport, food, work, clothing, healthcare, education, leisure, commerce, and so on. 

The causes of climate change are embedded in government policies, business practices and individual behaviours alike in intricately convoluted ways. In addition, the ecological effects of CO2 are cumulative; they will not cease or ease from one day or year to the next in response to one novel policy, as other problems might. 

Enlightenment principles

Many different and radical measures must be taken in many different places to achieve a significant reduction in global warming.  

Bregman’s suggestion that the problem of climate change can be solved by a single social change – such as a shorter working week – misrepresents the gravity of the situation to a downright irresponsible degree. So does the implication that we have time in hand, indicated by his claim that a worldwide shift to a shorter working week could cut the CO2 emitted this century by half. 

The science tells us that to achieve the 1.5 target will require anthropogenic CO₂ emissions to reach net zero by 2050. His suggestion that utopia is possible is similarly a delusion in view of the rapid dwindling of the rich biodiversity, abundance and rhythms of nature from which humans have always drawn sustenance, both physical and spiritual.   

Pinker lets us down in different ways that aren’t immediately obvious, as much of his argument is persuasive. The concern of his highly informed and informative book is philosophical: the restatement for contemporary times of the Enlightenment principles of reason, science, humanism and progress.  

He emphasises that reinvigorating these principles must be done collectively through systems and institutions: democratic government, international organisations, laws, norms and markets. Much of his argument is persuasive. 

Technological innovation

Pinker also confronts the potential of climate change to wreak damage of catastrophic dimensions. But he is hopeful that this point will not be reached. 

His hope is based on the observations that life has improved vastly in numerous respects in recent decades, thanks to Enlightenment thinking; that a number of prophecies of doom have not materialised (he cites, among others, nuclear war and the Y2K millennium bug); that wealth is rapidly increasing around the world, and as countries become richer they become more inclined to protect the environment. 

He supposes that the forces pushing progress along will remain in place.  

Pinker is convinced that rationality and technology can pull us back from the brink. He advocates deployment of fourth generation nuclear energy, together with taxes or tradeable credits on carbon and the restoration of plant-rich forests, wetlands and marine environments. 

But he does acknowledge that there is no guarantee that the necessary transformations to technology and politics will be in place in time. 

So why is Pinker’s stance on climate change inadequate? One reason is that his heavy emphasis on science and technology leads him to address only the supply side of the energy issue, asserting that, “the enlightened response to climate change is to figure out how to get the most energy with the least emission of greenhouse gases”.

 This we must certainly do.  But the task is not one-sided. The demand side must be tackled too. 

Another failing lies in his exclusive focus on the big picture, on overarching principles and structures. The little regard that he pays the individual is sneering: he labels recycling, reducing food miles and unplugging chargers as pointless displays, sacrifices, and a distraction from the gargantuan challenge facing us.

Yet the IPCC have long advised that behaviour change must complement technological innovation if we are to keep global temperatures to liveable limits. 

Personal emissions 

Viewed through the lens of individual behaviour rather than grand systems, the calculation of personal carbon footprints reveals how all of us in the developed world who have disposable income are individually contributing to global warming. 

Such calculations are not straightforward and those found in different sources vary considerably, but comparison within a single dataset is revealing.  

According to World Bank figures, US residents in 2014 were – on average – each responsible for emissions of 16.5 tonnes, compared with the UK average of 6.5 (10 tonnes according to another source), and the Swedish average of 4.5.

The global per capita annual average of 5 tonnes encompasses some very low national scores, such as 1.73 in India and 0.3 in Kenya.  

At present, it has been reckoned that the world can absorb an estimated 2.5 tonnes of CO2 per person per year. As the world population grows  this figure will fall to 1.5 tonnes or less. 

The discrepancies, even between rich countries, show that there is much scope for many people to reduce their personal emissions.  There can be no hiding from the fact that personal choices can and should have a significant impact on the curbing temperature rise. 

Plenty of information on how to reduce the emissions involved in meeting everyday needs is available in books like Chris Goodall’s How to Live a Low Carbon Lifeand Mike Berners-Lee’s How Bad are Bananas? 

For the sake of ecological health and social justice, we need to aim for a drastic reduction of carbon emissions among affluent people and an equitable allowance across the world, a process that has been termed ‘contraction and convergence . 

Anxious consumerism 

Pinker repeatedly appeals to the need for reason, yet he himself is not immune to the human weakness for cognitive bias which, as he points out, undermines rationality and leads to selection and omission of evidence to suit one’s case. 

His selectiveness is visible again in his attempt to explain why Americans are the exceptions to the general pattern that, the richer a country grows, the happier its people become. 

As he points out, levels of happiness in America have not risen in seventy years despite huge gains in income; in 2015 the US had the third highest average income yet was thirteenth in the ranking of countries’ happiness.

This, he argues, based more on surmise than data, is because more education increases anxiety and a sense of responsibility that detracts from happiness. 

It simply does not ring true that Americans’ happiness is compromised significantly more than that of the population of any other rich nation by awareness of the problems of life.  Consumer culture is rampant in the US.

A far more likely explanation for the less-than-expected US happiness score is the ultimately unsatisfying nature of consumerism. 

Research has shown that people whose values are centred on wealth, possessions and image are likely to suffer from poorer wellbeing and self-esteem, and higher anxiety, depression and insecurity, as explained, for instance, by American social scientist Tim Kasser in his book The High Price of Materialism. 

Limited perspectives 

The New Economics Foundation in the UK has constructed the Happy Planet Index which creates an aggregate score for wellbeing, life expectancy and environmental footprint for about one hundred and forty countries.  

In sharp contrast to the experience of the US, Costa Rica – whose average per capita carbon emissions in 2014 were a mere 1.6 tonnes – came top of the HPI league for happiness in 2009, 2012 and 2016. Wealthy western countries, often assumed to be the best places to live, do not score as highly on the HPI as some Latin American and Asia Pacific countries.  

Bregman and Pinker are so narrowly focused on their own particular preoccupations that their perspectives are skewed and their views of the necessary responses to climate change badly blinkered.  

Bregman’s advocacy of approaches to poverty and inequality is well grounded.  But, as climate change begins to alter the nature of ‘reality’, his assertion that leisure will be the greatest challenge of the twenty-first century shows that his loud claim to realism is justified only in his specific context and not in a general sense.  

Pinker’s perspective is much broader but is limited too, in significant ways.  His fervent confidence in the continuation of the arc of human betterment leaves him closed to the possibility of the crucial insight that it is carrying us beyond the point of viability.

It bears out Bregman’s contention that, “the Enlightenment model of how people change their opinions – through information-gathering and reasoned deliberation – is really a buttress for the status quo”. 

New narratives

These failings are serious.  They contribute to the cultural resistance which prevails in social discourse, to the need for a fundamental, urgent, unprecedented rethink of the way we conduct life.

Such rethinking about how to re-engineer the whole economic system so that it works for everyone now and in the future is going on in various quarters, but is almost unknown to the general population.  Its theme is not sacrifice, but living differently, in ways that would benefit both people and planet.

Public intellectuals and social influencers who write and speak of climate change have a vital role to play in inspiring their readers, listeners and viewers with accurate and constructive messages. Prominent figures whose enthusiastic endorsements of books amplify the ideas contained in them – be they valid or misleading – must take care for they also bear some responsibility for popular awareness.  

We need a new shared narrative, an inventive vision of how things can be better.  Tinkering with the existing order is no longer enough. 

Focused mechanisms that are valuable in themselves, such as provision of a universal basic income, must be made integral to a comprehensive restructuring of economic relationships. 

Economist Tim Jackson offers an innovative blueprint in his book Prosperity without Growth, which sets out new foundations for the economy and takes environmental and social limits into account.  He radically re-construes old concepts, formulating enterprise as service, work as participation, investment as commitment, and money as a social good.

Innovative thinking 

Work to develop this approach is underway at the Centre for the Understanding of Sustainable Prosperity (CUSP)

Another economist, Kate Raworth, encapsulates the limits within which the economy must be constructed in a helpful concrete image. Her concept of the ‘doughnut economy’ delineates a safe and just operating space, within which basic human needs can be met and critical natural thresholds avoided.  

A very recent piece of work, published in September this year, is the report of the Commission on Economic Justice which was set up in the wake of the EU referendum.  Academics and leaders of the business world and third sector came together to undertake a non-partisan enquiry, and agreed that the economy needs fundamental reform.  

Their report, which was unanimously agreed, calls for environmental sustainability to lie at the heart of the new economy, and proposes a Sustainable Economy Act to bring the whole UK economy within sustainable environmental limits.  

Such innovative thinking, essential to forging a liveable future, needs to permeate public consciousness in order to hasten its implementation. 

Modest consumers

We need a fresh perspective on the individual and to explore how we can – individually and collectively – live in new and better ways, rather than simply thinking in terms of having to give things up or go without, which has little appeal to anyone. 

My study of individuals living in Britain who actively choose to live lives of modest material consumption – elaborated in my book Happier People Healthier Planet – tells a different story from that of the materialistically aspirational norm of social communication.  

The participants  illustrate how people who are keenly aware of the state of the natural world and of human inequality, and who focus their lives on creativity, connection with and protection of nature, making a positive difference in the world, and other intrinsically rewarding, non-materialistic concerns, are actually likely to enjoy higher than average life-satisfaction.   

Increasing numbers of ‘modest consumers’, ‘voluntary simplifiers and ‘minimalists value time and self-determination over money. These groups are experiencing the enjoyment and fulfilment that flows from lifestyles which organise themselves around the non-material riches that life has to offer.  

We need many more people to cross the ‘threshold of understanding’ that ever increasing possessions, novelty, convenience and luxury do not actually deliver deep or lasting happiness, and that their pursuit is implicated in the destruction of the natural environment on which we depend.   

Critical mass

A critical mass of people who choose to withdraw much of their custom from consumer society, and actively support alternative, benign and benevolent ways of conducting life, would build political pressure to instigate the reconstruction of our larger systems from the top. 

It is vital that writers, speakers and other communicators, whatever their own area of interest may be, contribute to the fostering of popular consciousness that a better life is possible, and inspire desire for it.  

It’s time to leave behind our destructive, profit-driven culture of status symbols, built-in obsolescence, thoughtless profligacy and wastefulness, disposability, and commercial exploitation of human insecurities, and replace it with a way of life which makes human and environmental wellbeing the guiding principle. 

Personal wellbeing thrives in a climate of respectful, supportive relationships; belonging and community; responsibility and a sense of agency; active engagement and meaning; personal creativity and shared cultural experiences; green space and wild places; and material sufficiency.  It is for society to nurture these.  

Let’s raise our expectations for fulfilling and rewarding lives in harmonious and equitable communities and a sustainable natural world, while reducing our material expectations to a level of sufficiency – for everyone.  

Collective growth

To achieve this may sound unlikely but, looking back at history, Bregman points out that progressive ideas are often ridiculed at first as crazy but ultimately accepted as basic common sense. 

His advice is encouraging: “If we want to cultivate a better world, we need to be unrealistic, unreasonable, and impossible”.  To change the trajectory of human development, to protect the world from catastrophic climate change, is in our power if we determine to do it. 

Alongside the extraction of maximum energy with minimum emissions, our challenge is to work out how, individually and collectively, we can get the most out of life using the minimum of material resources.  Unlike economic growth, the potential for personal and social growth has no bounds. 

This Author

Teresa Belton is a visiting fellow at the School of Education and Lifelong Learning at the University of East Anglia and author of Happier People Healthier Planet. Find her on Twitter @tbelton1.

Solar geoengineering could provide ‘temporary fix’

The recent IPCC report warned us that “under emissions in line with current pledges of the Paris Agreement, global warming is expected to surpass 1.5°C “. This failure to meet the upbeat promise of COP21 is inevitable even if the pledges are supplemented with “very challenging increases in the scale and ambition of mitigation after 2030″.

We’re told that this increased action “would need to achieve net zero CO2 emissions in less than 15 years”. What’s more, even if this is achieved, “temperatures remaining below 1.5°C would depend on the geophysical response being towards the low end of the currently-estimated uncertainty range”.

The message is simple: even if we make it to a net-zero economy, we have little chance of maintaining temperatures at 1.5ºC because this relies on the best and most optimistic outcomes. 

Premature techno-fixes

If things weren’t looking bad enough already, we haven’t even begun to see what methane will do, or to what extent the melting arctic will chip in with its feedback mechanisms. We’re being told a comforting story, that we’ll be fine so long as we do all we can to mitigate emissions.

Then there’s the promise of technology. We can suck CO2 from the air and bury it. That’s what BECCS is all about (Bio Energy with Carbon Capture and Storage): we grow a lot of trees, burn them in our power stations instead of coal, capture the CO2 that puffs out of the chimney and pump it underground.

Unfortunately, technologies such as these are not ready yet. They exist in laboratory-scale experiments.  Perhaps by 2050 we’ll be doing a bit of this, but nowhere near enough to meet our net-zero commitment needed for 1.5ºC.

It looks as if we need a magic wand. Warming is accelerating, polar ice and glaciers are all melting, sea level is rising … it all looks rather bleak.

What the IPCC doesn’t mention is that technologies exist, or at least they’re not far away,  to directly engineer the climate. It is controversial, but maybe we can refreeze the arctic.

Solar geoengineering

This is the subject of “solar geoengineering”.  Behind the scenes there are schemes afoot to cool the climate for a few decades while we work out how to reduce our dependency on carbon, and it gives us time to get the BECCS systems working.

The idea is to reflect some of the sun’s energy back into space. For instance we could seed clouds and create more “whiteness”, which we know is a good way to reflect the heat of the sun. There’s talk of putting mirrors in space which could reflect, say, 2 percent of the sun’s rays harmlessly into space (but this would be prohibitively expensive).

The most talked-about “fix” is to mimic volcanic eruptions which act to cool the planet. In 1991 Mount Pinatubo in the Philippines spewed than 10 million tonnes of sulphur dioxide high into the atmosphere where it formed tiny droplets of sulphuric acid which reflect sunlight. Pinatubo caused global cooling of about 0.4oC for about a year and then temperatures reverted to normal.

The technology to mimic volcanos is crazy but just because the IPCC isn’t talking about it doesn’t mean it isn’t there

Even proponents are not enthusiastic about climate engineering. What if we screw it up?  The bottom line truly is that we have to stop burning fossil fuels.

Every option must be on the table

So where are we?  As I see it there are four things to do:

1.      Stop burning fossil fuels. Now.

2.      Work as hard as we can to suck CO2 out of the atmosphere.

3.      Consider solar geoengineering as a temporary fix to buy us some time.

4       Be very ready with sea defences for the inevitable climate emergency.

The IPCC is very strong on (1) and it is banking on technologies for (2). We’re all anticipating (4) but why isn’t anyone talking about (3)? Of course we have to cut our carbon emissions fast. At the same time we should explore as many climate engineering options as possible. All options remain on the table.

This Author 

Dr Hugh Hunt is chairman of the Cambridge Climate Lecture Series and a reader of engineering dynamics and vibration at the University of Cambridge.  He can be followed on Twitter at @HughHunt.