Tag Archives: fight

To forestall a mass extinction, fight forest fragmention Updated for 2026





Much of the Earth was once cloaked in vast forests, from the subarctic snowforests to the Amazon and Congo basins.

As humankind colonised the far corners of our planet, we cleared large areas to harvest wood, make way for farmland, and build towns and cities.

The loss of forest has wrought dramatic consequences for biodiversity and is the primary driver of the global extinction crisis. I work in Borneo where huge expanses of tropical forest are cleared to make way for palm oil plantations.

The biological cost is the replacement of some 150 forest bird species with a few tens of farmland species. But forest is also frequently retained inside or at the edges of oil palm plantations, and this is a pattern that is replicated globally.

The problem, according to new research published in Science Advances, is that the vast majority of remaining forests are fragmented.

In other words, remaining forests are increasingly isolated from other forests by a sea of transformed lands, and they are found in ever-smaller sized patches. The shockwaves of loss thus extend far beyond the footprint of deforestation.

Accessible forests

The team, led by Nick Haddad from North Carolina State University, used the world’s first high-resolution satellite map of tree cover to measure how isolated remaining forests are from a non-forest edge. Edges are created by a plethora of deforesting activities, from roads to cattle pastures and oil wells, as well as by rivers.

They found that more than 70% of remaining forest is within just 1km (about 0.6 miles) of an edge, while a 100 metre stroll from an edge would enable you to reach 20% of global forests.

Comparing across regions, the patterns they find are even starker. In Europe and the US, the vast majority of forest is within 1km of an edge – some of the most ‘remote’ areas in these regions are a stones throw from human activity. ‘Getting away from it all’ has never been more challenging.

If you want remote forests on a large scale you’ll have to head to the Amazon, the Congo, or to a lesser degree, central and far eastern Russia, central Borneo and Papua New Guinea.

Biodiversity reduced

These findings wouldn’t be cause for alarm if wildlife, forests, and the services that they provide humankind such as carbon storage and water, were unaffected by fragmentation.

However, by drawing together scientific evidence from seven long-term fragmentation experiments, Haddad and colleagues show that fragmentation reduces biodiversity by up to 75%. This exacerbates the extinction risk of millions of forest species, many of which we still don’t know much about.

Forest species struggle to survive at edges because these places are brighter, windier, and hotter than forest interiors. Edges become choked by rampant vines and invaded by disturbance-tolerant, parasitic or invasive species that outcompete the denizens of dark forest interiors.

In Borneo, for example, small forest patches house bird communities that are far more similar to those found in the surrounding oil palm than to those of larger forest tracts.

The survival of large, carbon-rich trees – the building blocks of any intact forest ecosystem – is reduced in smaller and more isolated forest fragments. These patches thus fail to maintain viable populations, which over time are doomed – an ‘extinction debt’ yet to be paid.

With so much global forest in close proximity to humans, larger forest animals such as chimpanzees, gorillas, tapirs or curassow birds are being hunted to extinction in individual areas. This shifts animal communities within the forest fragments to one dominated by small-bodied species.

Further, hunters are willing to penetrate forests for several kilometres from edges in search of game, effectively making the truly wild global forest estate yet smaller.

Difficult management decisions

The insidious effects of fragmentation mean that the top conservation priority must be preventing further incursions into dwindling wildernesses. By preventing the first cut we can help to prevent global fragmentation and the further loss of biodiversity.

Of course, we should not ignore fragmented regions. Some of these, including the Brazilian Atlantic forest, Tropical Andes and Himalayas, share a toxic mix of hyperdiversity, endemic species with tiny ranges, and severe fragmentation.

The critically-endangered Munchique wood-wren, for instance, exists only in a handful of peaks in the Colombian Andes, but these are now isolated from each other by cattle pastures and roads. Here we must seek to restore forest cover and improve connectivity between larger fragments if we are to prevent extinctions.

However, the rapid expansion of human populations, greed, and meat consumption mean that more forest is likely to be lost, even if farm yield and efficiency can be improved to help bridge gaps between current and future demand.

The difficult question is where should this expansion happen? Given the severe degradation of small and isolated fragments, perhaps conversion could target some of these patches, coupled with wilderness protection and expansion.

Next time I visit my local National Park – the highly fragmented Peak District – I will spare a thought for the species that are being harmed by their habitats being broken up into ever smaller chunks.

There are no easy answers to the problems of fragmentation, but our forests urgently need a global management plan.

 


 

The paper:Habitat fragmentation and its lasting impact on Earth’s ecosystems‘ by Nick M. Haddad et al is published in Science Advances (full paper / open access).

David Edwards is Lecturer of Conservation Science at the University of Sheffield.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

The Conversation

 




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Inequality does matter – and we must fight it! Updated for 2026





Since the 1980s, we’ve been told that inequality doesn’t matter. Mainstream thinking has it that you can fight poverty without tackling inequality.

This has been part of an attempt to make poverty eradication easier and more palatable to an increasingly dominant right-wing agenda.

The beauty of separating poverty and inequality is that you can care about ‘the poor’ while not worrying about the need for any of the radical changes which might upset your lifestyle.

You can both be “intensely relaxed about people getting filthy rich”, as Peter Mandelson1 said, and also care about very poor people getting less poor.

This embracing of inequality has, unsurprisingly, gone hand-in-hand with soaring levels of it. Today the richest 80 people own almost as much wealth as half the world’s population.

The situation continues to get worse. While most ordinary people endure pay freezes and austerity, the world’s richest 300 people became richer by 16% in 2013.

Those who are unhappy with inequality are accused of pursuing the ‘politics of envy’, or as Margaret Thatcher once put it, of preferring that the poor were poorer provided the rich were less rich. There are two big problems with this argument.

Inequality matters

The first is that inequality does matter. This is not a matter of serious debate. Even the International Monetary Fund (IMF), hardly a progressive voice, has issued a warning that rising inequality is threatening economic growth.

This is firstly because rich people are far more likely to spend money in ways that do not benefit the majority of people, such as on luxury imported goods or simply stashing it away in an account in the Cayman Islands. The idea that if you get enough tycoons buying yachts, the jobs created by the yacht building industry will be enough to feed everyone else is a fiction.

Second, inequality warps democracy. It raises the voices and interests of tiny elites above the rest of society. This can lead to perverse results and greater corruption, with laws and policies tailored to the personal interests of tycoons and to the detriment of wider society.

It’s not just the economy that is affected by inequality. Most of the attributes of a decent society – health, education, crime levels, social cohesion – are most present in more equal societies.

Take the USA and Sweden, two countries with similar levels of wealth in GDP per capita terms. The infant mortality rate in the USA is more than double that of Sweden and the murder rate is over three times Sweden’s figure.

This pattern holds up across the world. The charts (see report) show that, in general, countries with high levels of inequality have higher murder rates and lower life expectancy.

The poor are not getting richer

So it’s no wonder that we find that since the big surge in free market, neoliberal economic policies in the 1980s, while the rich have certainly got richer, the poor have, by and large, stayed poor.

Back in 1981, when the free market revolution was just taking off, there were 288 million people in sub-Saharan Africa living on less than $2 a day (205 million were living on under $1.25 a day). By 2008, this figure had almost doubled to 562 million (386 million on under $1.25 a day).

Of course the region’s population has also increased over this period, but even proportionally, there has been almost no improvement in poverty rates in sub-Saharan Africa since 1981.

Other continents have done a little better but mostly because of the arbitrary measures chosen. Why $1.25? Much anti-poverty work has been geared to getting people from just below, to just above the international poverty line. It has been claimed that if you changed the poverty line from $1.25 to $1.27, most recent poverty reduction gains would be wiped out.

In fact the vast majority of the fall in global poverty since 1981 has come from China, a country that, despite engaging its very own state-led, form of capitalism, has not followed World Bank-led free market policies.

Here in the UK, real wages have fallen since the economic crisis in 2008. But in those same terms, wages hardly rose in the boom years of the 1990s and 2000s either. Almost all of the proceeds of this boom went to a tiny elite. The big winners from this decline in income have been the credit card companies.

Consumer debt has tripled over the last two decades as people borrow in order to make ends meet, reaching £158 billion in 2013. Meanwhile, the proportion of UK income controlled by the top 1% of the population has doubled since 1970 and the top 1% own as much as the bottom 55%.

The corrosive injustice of inequality

Inequality isn’t good for getting people out of poverty, which shouldn’t be surprising. Poverty isn’t about having a certain amount of money, but the lack of those resources we all need for a decent life; food and water, housing and energy, healthcare, education and decent employment.

Poverty is lack of power. And that lack of power is a direct consequence of others having too much power – ultimately too much control over resources. Wealth comes from exploitation of people and the planet’s resources.

This is why even well-intentioned plans to make the poor richer are doomed to failure if they ignore the question of power.

Helping the poor to buy more products or rent more resources from the rich might provide short-term relief, but in the long-term will reinforce the unequal relationship between the two – just as 19th-century American slave owners who decided to treat their slaves better missed the real injustice that they were perpetrating.

The poor will only get richer by radically reducing inequality, which in turn requires confronting power.

 


 

This article is an extract from the report ‘The poor are getting richer and other dangerous delusions‘ by Global Justice Now (formerly the World Development Movement).

 




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‘It’s war!’ Peru-Brazil indigenous people pledge to fight Amazon oil exploration Updated for 2026





Members of an indigenous people living on both sides of the Brazil-Peru border in the remote Amazon say they are prepared to fight with spears, bows and arrows if companies enter their territories to explore for oil.

The Matsés have publicly opposed operations by Canada-based firm Pacific Rubiales Energy for at least five years, but they say that neither the company nor Perupetro, the government body which granted the licences to two oil concessions in Peru, are taking any notice.

“It seems that the [Peruvian] state is a child”, says Dora Canë from the most remote Matsés village on the Peruvian side of the border, Puerto Alegre. “It doesn’t listen. We say no, but it just carries on. It wants to extinguish us.”

“We have told the company no, but it isn’t listening”, says Nestor Binan Waki, another Puerto Alegre resident. “Our patience is running out. We have nothing more to say. The only thing we have is our spears.”

“They should respect indigenous peoples’ rights, but in my view they’re not doing so”, says Lorenzo Tumi, also from Puerto Alegre. “We’ve been saying no for many years. The only weapon we have is to kill one of them. We could kill one of the company.”

Support promised from over the border in Brazil

The Matsés based in Brazil are equally concerned about the concessions – partly because they consider the Peruvian side of the border their territory too and partly because of the potential impacts on the Brazilian side where they live in the protected Javari Valley Indigenous Territory.

“We don’t want the oil company”, says Waki Mayoruna, the head of the remotest Matsés village, Lobo, in Brazil. “If they don’t listen to us, if they don’t understand our no means no, there’ll be conflict that’ll lead to people being killed. That will always be my position.”

“We’ll always fight against the invasion of our territories”, says José Tumi, from Sao Meireles in Brazil. “If they don’t listen, we could fight like we have done in the past, with bows and arrows. We could attack anyone who invades our territory. We’re not afraid of dying.”

“The government is not listening, not respecting, our decision”, says Juan Bai, another Sao Meireles resident. “One day our patience could run out. We have our limits. If they invade the only thing to do will be this [to fight].”

A violent past

Many Matsés stress that previous generations were forced to fight against rubber-tappers, loggers, road-builders and soldiers invading their territories, and that they could do the same again now.

“Before contact [in the late 1960s] there was always conflict in this region”, says Romulo Teca from Puerto Alegre in Peru. “It could come to that again. We are the sons of those fighters. We can defend ourselves with arms like they did. I’ll always fight to ensure no oil companies enter.”

“Our fathers had to defend our territories and fought with other tribes, mestizos and soldiers”, Felipe Reyna Regijo, from Remoyacu village in Peru, told a bi-national meeting held by the Matsés last month. “Why don’t we continue that position, given that we are the sons of fighting fathers?”

The bi-national meeting concluded with the “total rejection” by the Matsés of both oil concessions, and the signing of a statement saying the decision was “unanimous” and stressing the social and environmental impacts of oil operations elsewhere in Peru.

Raimundo Mean Mayoruna, from Soles village in Brazil and president of the General Mayoruna Organization (OGM), says that the Matsés don’t want conflict, but it is possible if their rights are not respected.

“We don’t want this, but if there is a lot of anger it could happen”, he says. “My message to the companies is that they respect our decision and understand we’ve lived here for a long time and want to live in peace. We didn’t come from any other place. We’re from here.”

Empty threats? Or are the Matsés for real?

Many of the most aggressive statements were made by Matsés men wielding and thrusting long spears or carrying bows and arrows – leading one man, Rafael Shaba Maya, a teacher in Puerto Alegre, to remark, “It’s true they will fight. When they say something, they do it.”

That opinion is shared by the former president of the Matsés community in Peru, Ángel Uaqui Dunu Maya, who stresses the potential environmental impacts and the Matsés’s past experience of oil operations in the 1970s when “many people died of illnesses” as a result.

“Yes, in my opinion, it’s certain that [this] is going to create a lot of conflict between the Matsés and the state”, he says. “Why? Because the Matsés don’t want hydrocarbon activities in their territories but the state wants to explore.”

Brazilian anthropologist Beatriz de Almeida Matos, who has worked with the Matsés for 10 years, says that “without a doubt” they will do “whatever it takes to defend their territory” from anything threatening their way of life and existence.

“It wasn’t so long ago, in the 1970s and 1980s, there were conflicts between Matsés and non-indigenous people in their territories, with deaths on both sides”, she says. “If they’re not consulted and their decisions not respected, they’ll understand dialogue is over and defend themselves by taking up arms again, rather than using the law.”

The Matsés say they were not consulted by Peru’s government before the two concessions were established in 2007 – as is their right under a legally-binding agreement ratified by Peru in 1994 – but Pacific Rubiales claims this right has only applied since 2012.

Billion barrel oil concessions overlap indigenous territories, protected areas

According to Peruvian NGO CEDIA, one of the concessions, Lot 137, includes 49% of the Matsés’s titled community land in Peru and 36% of a supposedly ‘protected natural area’ called the Matsés National Reserve, which they consider their territory too.

The other concession, Lot 135, also includes community land, the reserve, and other areas considered Matsés territory, as well as a huge chunk of a proposed reserve for indigenous people living in what Peruvian law and indigenous organizations call ‘isolation’ or ‘voluntary isolation’.

The eastern boundary of Lot 135 and part of Lot 137 is the River Yaquerana – which acts as the Brazil-Peru border and many Matsés from both countries rely on for drinking water, cooking, washing, bathing and fishing.

Together the two concessions cover almost 1.5 million hectares and have been estimated to hold almost one billion barrels of oil. Some exploration has already been done by Pacific Rubiales in Lot 135, starting in late 2012, which involved conducting seismic tests and drilling wells.

Pacific Rubiales says it “fully respects” the Matsés’s position and is therefore not currently “performing any exploration activities” in Lot 135 and Lot 137, but declined to respond to a question from The Ecologist why it still holds the licences to both concessions.

According to Brazilian NGO Instituto Socioambiental, there are almost 3,500 Matsés – 1,700 of whom live on the Peruvian side and almost 1,600 on the Brazilian side, although movement across the borders is common.

 


 

David Hill is a freelance journalist and environment writer based in Latin America, writing for the Guardian, The Ecologist and other publications. For more details see his website: www.hilldavid.com or follow him on Twitter: @DavidHillTweets

 

 




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‘It’s war!’ Peru-Brazil indigenous people pledge to fight Amazon oil exploration Updated for 2026





Members of an indigenous people living on both sides of the Brazil-Peru border in the remote Amazon say they are prepared to fight with spears, bows and arrows if companies enter their territories to explore for oil.

The Matsés have publicly opposed operations by Canada-based firm Pacific Rubiales Energy for at least five years, but they say that neither the company nor Perupetro, the government body which granted the licences to two oil concessions in Peru, are taking any notice.

“It seems that the [Peruvian] state is a child”, says Dora Canë from the most remote Matsés village on the Peruvian side of the border, Puerto Alegre. “It doesn’t listen. We say no, but it just carries on. It wants to extinguish us.”

“We have told the company no, but it isn’t listening”, says Nestor Binan Waki, another Puerto Alegre resident. “Our patience is running out. We have nothing more to say. The only thing we have is our spears.”

“They should respect indigenous peoples’ rights, but in my view they’re not doing so”, says Lorenzo Tumi, also from Puerto Alegre. “We’ve been saying no for many years. The only weapon we have is to kill one of them. We could kill one of the company.”

Support promised from over the border in Brazil

The Matsés based in Brazil are equally concerned about the concessions – partly because they consider the Peruvian side of the border their territory too and partly because of the potential impacts on the Brazilian side where they live in the protected Javari Valley Indigenous Territory.

“We don’t want the oil company”, says Waki Mayoruna, the head of the remotest Matsés village, Lobo, in Brazil. “If they don’t listen to us, if they don’t understand our no means no, there’ll be conflict that’ll lead to people being killed. That will always be my position.”

“We’ll always fight against the invasion of our territories”, says José Tumi, from Sao Meireles in Brazil. “If they don’t listen, we could fight like we have done in the past, with bows and arrows. We could attack anyone who invades our territory. We’re not afraid of dying.”

“The government is not listening, not respecting, our decision”, says Juan Bai, another Sao Meireles resident. “One day our patience could run out. We have our limits. If they invade the only thing to do will be this [to fight].”

A violent past

Many Matsés stress that previous generations were forced to fight against rubber-tappers, loggers, road-builders and soldiers invading their territories, and that they could do the same again now.

“Before contact [in the late 1960s] there was always conflict in this region”, says Romulo Teca from Puerto Alegre in Peru. “It could come to that again. We are the sons of those fighters. We can defend ourselves with arms like they did. I’ll always fight to ensure no oil companies enter.”

“Our fathers had to defend our territories and fought with other tribes, mestizos and soldiers”, Felipe Reyna Regijo, from Remoyacu village in Peru, told a bi-national meeting held by the Matsés last month. “Why don’t we continue that position, given that we are the sons of fighting fathers?”

The bi-national meeting concluded with the “total rejection” by the Matsés of both oil concessions, and the signing of a statement saying the decision was “unanimous” and stressing the social and environmental impacts of oil operations elsewhere in Peru.

Raimundo Mean Mayoruna, from Soles village in Brazil and president of the General Mayoruna Organization (OGM), says that the Matsés don’t want conflict, but it is possible if their rights are not respected.

“We don’t want this, but if there is a lot of anger it could happen”, he says. “My message to the companies is that they respect our decision and understand we’ve lived here for a long time and want to live in peace. We didn’t come from any other place. We’re from here.”

Empty threats? Or are the Matsés for real?

Many of the most aggressive statements were made by Matsés men wielding and thrusting long spears or carrying bows and arrows – leading one man, Rafael Shaba Maya, a teacher in Puerto Alegre, to remark, “It’s true they will fight. When they say something, they do it.”

That opinion is shared by the former president of the Matsés community in Peru, Ángel Uaqui Dunu Maya, who stresses the potential environmental impacts and the Matsés’s past experience of oil operations in the 1970s when “many people died of illnesses” as a result.

“Yes, in my opinion, it’s certain that [this] is going to create a lot of conflict between the Matsés and the state”, he says. “Why? Because the Matsés don’t want hydrocarbon activities in their territories but the state wants to explore.”

Brazilian anthropologist Beatriz de Almeida Matos, who has worked with the Matsés for 10 years, says that “without a doubt” they will do “whatever it takes to defend their territory” from anything threatening their way of life and existence.

“It wasn’t so long ago, in the 1970s and 1980s, there were conflicts between Matsés and non-indigenous people in their territories, with deaths on both sides”, she says. “If they’re not consulted and their decisions not respected, they’ll understand dialogue is over and defend themselves by taking up arms again, rather than using the law.”

The Matsés say they were not consulted by Peru’s government before the two concessions were established in 2007 – as is their right under a legally-binding agreement ratified by Peru in 1994 – but Pacific Rubiales claims this right has only applied since 2012.

Billion barrel oil concessions overlap indigenous territories, protected areas

According to Peruvian NGO CEDIA, one of the concessions, Lot 137, includes 49% of the Matsés’s titled community land in Peru and 36% of a supposedly ‘protected natural area’ called the Matsés National Reserve, which they consider their territory too.

The other concession, Lot 135, also includes community land, the reserve, and other areas considered Matsés territory, as well as a huge chunk of a proposed reserve for indigenous people living in what Peruvian law and indigenous organizations call ‘isolation’ or ‘voluntary isolation’.

The eastern boundary of Lot 135 and part of Lot 137 is the River Yaquerana – which acts as the Brazil-Peru border and many Matsés from both countries rely on for drinking water, cooking, washing, bathing and fishing.

Together the two concessions cover almost 1.5 million hectares and have been estimated to hold almost one billion barrels of oil. Some exploration has already been done by Pacific Rubiales in Lot 135, starting in late 2012, which involved conducting seismic tests and drilling wells.

Pacific Rubiales says it “fully respects” the Matsés’s position and is therefore not currently “performing any exploration activities” in Lot 135 and Lot 137, but declined to respond to a question from The Ecologist why it still holds the licences to both concessions.

According to Brazilian NGO Instituto Socioambiental, there are almost 3,500 Matsés – 1,700 of whom live on the Peruvian side and almost 1,600 on the Brazilian side, although movement across the borders is common.

 


 

David Hill is a freelance journalist and environment writer based in Latin America, writing for the Guardian, The Ecologist and other publications. For more details see his website: www.hilldavid.com or follow him on Twitter: @DavidHillTweets

 

 




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Appalachia: a small city’s fight against toxic waste incineration Updated for 2026





About 100 miles Southeast of Cleveland, nestled in the foothills of the Appalachian Mountains along the Ohio River, sits the small city of East Liverpool, Ohio.

Once known as the pottery capital of the world, many of the China and glassware factories have closed, as have the steel mills where many East Liverpool residents once worked.

In its heyday during World War II, almost 50,000 people lived in East Liverpool. Today the city’s population tops off at just above 10,000.

Nearly 30% of all residents live below the poverty level. The per capita income is just over $16,000. The unemployment rate is 15%, three times the state average. It’s a city where almost every second or third house seems to be abandoned, and not just abandoned. Some are burnt out. Some are falling down.

A ‘dumping ground for the detritus of the global economy’

The locals talk about the incessant and merciless drug traffic. They say dealers have come up to the city from the east coast – having found a robust market for heroin and other opiates. The drug trade wreaks constant havoc on the streets. In late September, five people were shot there in a single night.

East Liverpool enjoys another dubious honor: a staggeringly high cancer rate. In 2009, data showed that East Liverpool’s cancer rate is 615.8 people per 100,000. The Ohio average is 450.4.

East Liverpool and the tiny towns and villages that surround it are part of the forgotten rural poor in America. Devoid of all economic opportunity, they’ve become a dumping ground for the detritus of the global economy while simultaneously fueling it by providing coal, oil and natural gas.

If you haven’t heard of East Liverpool, don’t be too hard on yourself. Until about a year ago, I hadn’t either. My job as an organizer for the Ohio Organizing Collaborative took me there. I joined the OOC to start organizing communities affected by fracking, the process of extracting oil and gas from shale formations deep within the Earth.

As I began exploring the rural areas of Eastern Ohio, a colleague introduced me to three men – one in his seventies, two in their eighties – who had been fighting for environmental justice for East Liverpool since the 1980s: Alonzo Spencer, Virgil Reynolds and Mike Walton. Each has been seeking justice for their community.

The toxic waste incinerator – thanks Bill, thanks Hillary!

They are the remnants of a once robust movement to shut down one of the world’s largest hazardous waste incinerators, constructed in 1994 and run by Heritage Thermal Services (formerly WTI). Burning 60,000 tons of hazardous waste a year, it has wreaked havoc on our health and our quality of life.

Alonzo, Virgil and Mike still write letters to the EPA, the governor and anyone else they can think of. They are still seeking answers to a huge cloud of ash (see photo) that burst out of the incinerator on 14 July 2013, which coated homes and cars in the surrounding area. No one has given them an explanation.

And despite countless violations on its permit, that very same incinerator is now pursuing a permit to expand by 25% – further burdening this distressed community.

They are encouraging all who can to help by sending a letter to the Ohio EPA asking them to refuse the permit – before the 9th December 2014 deadline!

Meanwhile the cancer cases continue to mount. A friend and coworker of mine from East Liverpool knows 12 people who suffer or passed away from blood or bone cancer. Within the last two weeks, she lost two close friends to cancer. In a city this small – this is outrageous.

The common notion is that Democrats are environmentalists and Republicans are not. But the Clinton family and administration had a hand in constructing and protecting the incinerator. Friends and former colleagues of President Bill Clinton and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton were the incinerator’s initial investors.

The Clinton administration allowed the incinerator to be constructed – 1,100 feet from an elementary school, in the middle of an African American neighborhood, on a flood plain along the Ohio River.

A city under corporate occupation

Indeed, as the area surround East Liverpool de-industrialized and residents could not longer find work that pays a living wage, the area’s main industry seems to have become waste disposal and resource extraction.

Across the river in Beaver County PA is a coal ash impoundment pond affectionately known as ‘Little Blue’, possibly because it literally glows neon blue. There are more than 600 permits for horizontal fracking wells within 50 miles of the city in Ohio only. Include western Pennsylvania it’s more like 1,300.

Just south of it, in the equally stressed village of Wellsvile, cancer-causing silica sand used for fracking operations is stored in huge uncovered piles just several hundred feet from a residential neighborhood. Down river in Jefferson County is First Energy’s dilapidated Coal Fire Power Plant WH Sammis – which the EPA says is one of Ohio’s top five polluters.

Last year, as a student at Kent State University, my colleague Amanda Kiger helped researchers from The University of Cincinnati study the effect of manganese emissions on residents of East Liverpool. Preliminary results show a link between the emissions and high rates of ADHD and other cognitive problems among residents. She even saw children display symptoms similar to those with Parkinson’s Disease.

And we all wonder why poor folks living in areas like these just can’t get a job and make something of themselves?

My family was helped up by a social infrastructure that’s no longer there

I’m not from East Liverpool. I am not poor, nor have I ever known poverty. I grew up in a comfortable suburb far from the shootings, drug trade and hazardous waste incinerators.

I am the granddaughter of poor Irish immigrants who came to Cleveland in the 1920s for economic opportunity and political freedom. My grandfather got a WPA job under President Roosevelt during the New Deal. He was a laborer who helped build the Terminal Tower. He eventually got a union job at the Cleveland Graphite Bronze Factory.

He took three buses to work every day, but made enough money to send his seven kids to Catholic school (It only cost $12 for each child to attend.) They lived in the bottom apartment of a double on West 93rd Street, often sleeping several children to a bed and my mother on the couch in the living room.

Life was hard for my mom’s family – but each and every one of those seven children joined the ranks of at least the middle class. My uncles served in the military, and the GI bill sent them to college and law school.

One uncle became a Vice President at both Notre Dame and Ohio State University and another became a judge in Cuyahoga County. My mom received her master’s degree from Boston College.

Not only was the social safety net present, but my family was not exposed to the same level of concentrated toxic contamination. Cleveland’s air quality was bad when my mom was a child in the 1950s and ’60s – but the economic opportunities she had gave her a fighting chance to move someplace healthier. Few people in East Liverpool have that chance. Those that did are already gone.

Time to invest in America’s people!

My family is smart and driven – but no more so than many of the people I have met in East Liverpool. The difference is, we benefitted from a more robust social safety net, unions and economic opportunity.

Without access to public transportation, my grandfather wouldn’t have been able to make it to work. Without a union, he wouldn’t have made a living wage. Without the programs put in place under the New Deal, my struggling young grandparents and their children might not have climbed out of poverty.

In poor neighborhoods across America, rural and urban alike, we must return to investing in our people. Without the New Deal, there would be no Caitlin Johnson – of this I am certain.

It’s time to realize that dream for all Americans. And it’s time to move to a new economy – one based on investing in people, not investing in resource extraction and waste disposal.

The areas riches in natural resources should not be the areas most plagued by crippling poverty. It doesn’t add up. The patterns are far too clear for us to continue blaming individual behavior when the game appears to be rigged in favor of nameless, faceless corporations.

As one resident comments: “We could restore towns and cities like East Liverpool. I mean, we spend billions and billions of dollars on bombs and fighter jets that can kill people many times over, but we won’t even invest a dime towards fixing up our old towns and cities that served as the country’s foundry.”

 


 

Action: Ohio EPA is accepting comments about the proposed expansion until 9th December 2014. Be sure to make your voice heard on this issue! Submit your comments to Ohio EPA today. 

Caitlin Johnson is Lead Organizer, Communities United for Responsible Energy – Ohio Organizing Collaborative. She works as a journalist on PBS, and was formerly with CBS News and ABC News, and a Fellow with the George Gund Foundation in Cleveland Ohio.

This article is an extended version of one originally published on Rustwire.

 




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Appalachia: a small city’s fight against toxic waste incineration Updated for 2026





About 100 miles Southeast of Cleveland, nestled in the foothills of the Appalachian Mountains along the Ohio River, sits the small city of East Liverpool, Ohio.

Once known as the pottery capital of the world, many of the China and glassware factories have closed, as have the steel mills where many East Liverpool residents once worked.

In its heyday during World War II, almost 50,000 people lived in East Liverpool. Today the city’s population tops off at just above 10,000.

Nearly 30% of all residents live below the poverty level. The per capita income is just over $16,000. The unemployment rate is 15%, three times the state average. It’s a city where almost every second or third house seems to be abandoned, and not just abandoned. Some are burnt out. Some are falling down.

A ‘dumping ground for the detritus of the global economy’

The locals talk about the incessant and merciless drug traffic. They say dealers have come up to the city from the east coast – having found a robust market for heroin and other opiates. The drug trade wreaks constant havoc on the streets. In late September, five people were shot there in a single night.

East Liverpool enjoys another dubious honor: a staggeringly high cancer rate. In 2009, data showed that East Liverpool’s cancer rate is 615.8 people per 100,000. The Ohio average is 450.4.

East Liverpool and the tiny towns and villages that surround it are part of the forgotten rural poor in America. Devoid of all economic opportunity, they’ve become a dumping ground for the detritus of the global economy while simultaneously fueling it by providing coal, oil and natural gas.

If you haven’t heard of East Liverpool, don’t be too hard on yourself. Until about a year ago, I hadn’t either. My job as an organizer for the Ohio Organizing Collaborative took me there. I joined the OOC to start organizing communities affected by fracking, the process of extracting oil and gas from shale formations deep within the Earth.

As I began exploring the rural areas of Eastern Ohio, a colleague introduced me to three men – one in his seventies, two in their eighties – who had been fighting for environmental justice for East Liverpool since the 1980s: Alonzo Spencer, Virgil Reynolds and Mike Walton. Each has been seeking justice for their community.

The toxic waste incinerator – thanks Bill, thanks Hillary!

They are the remnants of a once robust movement to shut down one of the world’s largest hazardous waste incinerators, constructed in 1994 and run by Heritage Thermal Services (formerly WTI). Burning 60,000 tons of hazardous waste a year, it has wreaked havoc on our health and our quality of life.

Alonzo, Virgil and Mike still write letters to the EPA, the governor and anyone else they can think of. They are still seeking answers to a huge cloud of ash (see photo) that burst out of the incinerator on 14 July 2013, which coated homes and cars in the surrounding area. No one has given them an explanation.

And despite countless violations on its permit, that very same incinerator is now pursuing a permit to expand by 25% – further burdening this distressed community.

They are encouraging all who can to help by sending a letter to the Ohio EPA asking them to refuse the permit – before the 9th December 2014 deadline!

Meanwhile the cancer cases continue to mount. A friend and coworker of mine from East Liverpool knows 12 people who suffer or passed away from blood or bone cancer. Within the last two weeks, she lost two close friends to cancer. In a city this small – this is outrageous.

The common notion is that Democrats are environmentalists and Republicans are not. But the Clinton family and administration had a hand in constructing and protecting the incinerator. Friends and former colleagues of President Bill Clinton and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton were the incinerator’s initial investors.

The Clinton administration allowed the incinerator to be constructed – 1,100 feet from an elementary school, in the middle of an African American neighborhood, on a flood plain along the Ohio River.

A city under corporate occupation

Indeed, as the area surround East Liverpool de-industrialized and residents could not longer find work that pays a living wage, the area’s main industry seems to have become waste disposal and resource extraction.

Across the river in Beaver County PA is a coal ash impoundment pond affectionately known as ‘Little Blue’, possibly because it literally glows neon blue. There are more than 600 permits for horizontal fracking wells within 50 miles of the city in Ohio only. Include western Pennsylvania it’s more like 1,300.

Just south of it, in the equally stressed village of Wellsvile, cancer-causing silica sand used for fracking operations is stored in huge uncovered piles just several hundred feet from a residential neighborhood. Down river in Jefferson County is First Energy’s dilapidated Coal Fire Power Plant WH Sammis – which the EPA says is one of Ohio’s top five polluters.

Last year, as a student at Kent State University, my colleague Amanda Kiger helped researchers from The University of Cincinnati study the effect of manganese emissions on residents of East Liverpool. Preliminary results show a link between the emissions and high rates of ADHD and other cognitive problems among residents. She even saw children display symptoms similar to those with Parkinson’s Disease.

And we all wonder why poor folks living in areas like these just can’t get a job and make something of themselves?

My family was helped up by a social infrastructure that’s no longer there

I’m not from East Liverpool. I am not poor, nor have I ever known poverty. I grew up in a comfortable suburb far from the shootings, drug trade and hazardous waste incinerators.

I am the granddaughter of poor Irish immigrants who came to Cleveland in the 1920s for economic opportunity and political freedom. My grandfather got a WPA job under President Roosevelt during the New Deal. He was a laborer who helped build the Terminal Tower. He eventually got a union job at the Cleveland Graphite Bronze Factory.

He took three buses to work every day, but made enough money to send his seven kids to Catholic school (It only cost $12 for each child to attend.) They lived in the bottom apartment of a double on West 93rd Street, often sleeping several children to a bed and my mother on the couch in the living room.

Life was hard for my mom’s family – but each and every one of those seven children joined the ranks of at least the middle class. My uncles served in the military, and the GI bill sent them to college and law school.

One uncle became a Vice President at both Notre Dame and Ohio State University and another became a judge in Cuyahoga County. My mom received her master’s degree from Boston College.

Not only was the social safety net present, but my family was not exposed to the same level of concentrated toxic contamination. Cleveland’s air quality was bad when my mom was a child in the 1950s and ’60s – but the economic opportunities she had gave her a fighting chance to move someplace healthier. Few people in East Liverpool have that chance. Those that did are already gone.

Time to invest in America’s people!

My family is smart and driven – but no more so than many of the people I have met in East Liverpool. The difference is, we benefitted from a more robust social safety net, unions and economic opportunity.

Without access to public transportation, my grandfather wouldn’t have been able to make it to work. Without a union, he wouldn’t have made a living wage. Without the programs put in place under the New Deal, my struggling young grandparents and their children might not have climbed out of poverty.

In poor neighborhoods across America, rural and urban alike, we must return to investing in our people. Without the New Deal, there would be no Caitlin Johnson – of this I am certain.

It’s time to realize that dream for all Americans. And it’s time to move to a new economy – one based on investing in people, not investing in resource extraction and waste disposal.

The areas riches in natural resources should not be the areas most plagued by crippling poverty. It doesn’t add up. The patterns are far too clear for us to continue blaming individual behavior when the game appears to be rigged in favor of nameless, faceless corporations.

As one resident comments: “We could restore towns and cities like East Liverpool. I mean, we spend billions and billions of dollars on bombs and fighter jets that can kill people many times over, but we won’t even invest a dime towards fixing up our old towns and cities that served as the country’s foundry.”

 


 

Action: Ohio EPA is accepting comments about the proposed expansion until 9th December 2014. Be sure to make your voice heard on this issue! Submit your comments to Ohio EPA today. 

Caitlin Johnson is Lead Organizer, Communities United for Responsible Energy – Ohio Organizing Collaborative. She works as a journalist on PBS, and was formerly with CBS News and ABC News, and a Fellow with the George Gund Foundation in Cleveland Ohio.

This article is an extended version of one originally published on Rustwire.

 




387777

Appalachia: a small city’s fight against toxic waste incineration Updated for 2026





About 100 miles Southeast of Cleveland, nestled in the foothills of the Appalachian Mountains along the Ohio River, sits the small city of East Liverpool, Ohio.

Once known as the pottery capital of the world, many of the China and glassware factories have closed, as have the steel mills where many East Liverpool residents once worked.

In its heyday during World War II, almost 50,000 people lived in East Liverpool. Today the city’s population tops off at just above 10,000.

Nearly 30% of all residents live below the poverty level. The per capita income is just over $16,000. The unemployment rate is 15%, three times the state average. It’s a city where almost every second or third house seems to be abandoned, and not just abandoned. Some are burnt out. Some are falling down.

A ‘dumping ground for the detritus of the global economy’

The locals talk about the incessant and merciless drug traffic. They say dealers have come up to the city from the east coast – having found a robust market for heroin and other opiates. The drug trade wreaks constant havoc on the streets. In late September, five people were shot there in a single night.

East Liverpool enjoys another dubious honor: a staggeringly high cancer rate. In 2009, data showed that East Liverpool’s cancer rate is 615.8 people per 100,000. The Ohio average is 450.4.

East Liverpool and the tiny towns and villages that surround it are part of the forgotten rural poor in America. Devoid of all economic opportunity, they’ve become a dumping ground for the detritus of the global economy while simultaneously fueling it by providing coal, oil and natural gas.

If you haven’t heard of East Liverpool, don’t be too hard on yourself. Until about a year ago, I hadn’t either. My job as an organizer for the Ohio Organizing Collaborative took me there. I joined the OOC to start organizing communities affected by fracking, the process of extracting oil and gas from shale formations deep within the Earth.

As I began exploring the rural areas of Eastern Ohio, a colleague introduced me to three men – one in his seventies, two in their eighties – who had been fighting for environmental justice for East Liverpool since the 1980s: Alonzo Spencer, Virgil Reynolds and Mike Walton. Each has been seeking justice for their community.

The toxic waste incinerator – thanks Bill, thanks Hillary!

They are the remnants of a once robust movement to shut down one of the world’s largest hazardous waste incinerators, constructed in 1994 and run by Heritage Thermal Services (formerly WTI). Burning 60,000 tons of hazardous waste a year, it has wreaked havoc on our health and our quality of life.

Alonzo, Virgil and Mike still write letters to the EPA, the governor and anyone else they can think of. They are still seeking answers to a huge cloud of ash (see photo) that burst out of the incinerator on 14 July 2013, which coated homes and cars in the surrounding area. No one has given them an explanation.

And despite countless violations on its permit, that very same incinerator is now pursuing a permit to expand by 25% – further burdening this distressed community.

They are encouraging all who can to help by sending a letter to the Ohio EPA asking them to refuse the permit – before the 9th December 2014 deadline!

Meanwhile the cancer cases continue to mount. A friend and coworker of mine from East Liverpool knows 12 people who suffer or passed away from blood or bone cancer. Within the last two weeks, she lost two close friends to cancer. In a city this small – this is outrageous.

The common notion is that Democrats are environmentalists and Republicans are not. But the Clinton family and administration had a hand in constructing and protecting the incinerator. Friends and former colleagues of President Bill Clinton and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton were the incinerator’s initial investors.

The Clinton administration allowed the incinerator to be constructed – 1,100 feet from an elementary school, in the middle of an African American neighborhood, on a flood plain along the Ohio River.

A city under corporate occupation

Indeed, as the area surround East Liverpool de-industrialized and residents could not longer find work that pays a living wage, the area’s main industry seems to have become waste disposal and resource extraction.

Across the river in Beaver County PA is a coal ash impoundment pond affectionately known as ‘Little Blue’, possibly because it literally glows neon blue. There are more than 600 permits for horizontal fracking wells within 50 miles of the city in Ohio only. Include western Pennsylvania it’s more like 1,300.

Just south of it, in the equally stressed village of Wellsvile, cancer-causing silica sand used for fracking operations is stored in huge uncovered piles just several hundred feet from a residential neighborhood. Down river in Jefferson County is First Energy’s dilapidated Coal Fire Power Plant WH Sammis – which the EPA says is one of Ohio’s top five polluters.

Last year, as a student at Kent State University, my colleague Amanda Kiger helped researchers from The University of Cincinnati study the effect of manganese emissions on residents of East Liverpool. Preliminary results show a link between the emissions and high rates of ADHD and other cognitive problems among residents. She even saw children display symptoms similar to those with Parkinson’s Disease.

And we all wonder why poor folks living in areas like these just can’t get a job and make something of themselves?

My family was helped up by a social infrastructure that’s no longer there

I’m not from East Liverpool. I am not poor, nor have I ever known poverty. I grew up in a comfortable suburb far from the shootings, drug trade and hazardous waste incinerators.

I am the granddaughter of poor Irish immigrants who came to Cleveland in the 1920s for economic opportunity and political freedom. My grandfather got a WPA job under President Roosevelt during the New Deal. He was a laborer who helped build the Terminal Tower. He eventually got a union job at the Cleveland Graphite Bronze Factory.

He took three buses to work every day, but made enough money to send his seven kids to Catholic school (It only cost $12 for each child to attend.) They lived in the bottom apartment of a double on West 93rd Street, often sleeping several children to a bed and my mother on the couch in the living room.

Life was hard for my mom’s family – but each and every one of those seven children joined the ranks of at least the middle class. My uncles served in the military, and the GI bill sent them to college and law school.

One uncle became a Vice President at both Notre Dame and Ohio State University and another became a judge in Cuyahoga County. My mom received her master’s degree from Boston College.

Not only was the social safety net present, but my family was not exposed to the same level of concentrated toxic contamination. Cleveland’s air quality was bad when my mom was a child in the 1950s and ’60s – but the economic opportunities she had gave her a fighting chance to move someplace healthier. Few people in East Liverpool have that chance. Those that did are already gone.

Time to invest in America’s people!

My family is smart and driven – but no more so than many of the people I have met in East Liverpool. The difference is, we benefitted from a more robust social safety net, unions and economic opportunity.

Without access to public transportation, my grandfather wouldn’t have been able to make it to work. Without a union, he wouldn’t have made a living wage. Without the programs put in place under the New Deal, my struggling young grandparents and their children might not have climbed out of poverty.

In poor neighborhoods across America, rural and urban alike, we must return to investing in our people. Without the New Deal, there would be no Caitlin Johnson – of this I am certain.

It’s time to realize that dream for all Americans. And it’s time to move to a new economy – one based on investing in people, not investing in resource extraction and waste disposal.

The areas riches in natural resources should not be the areas most plagued by crippling poverty. It doesn’t add up. The patterns are far too clear for us to continue blaming individual behavior when the game appears to be rigged in favor of nameless, faceless corporations.

As one resident comments: “We could restore towns and cities like East Liverpool. I mean, we spend billions and billions of dollars on bombs and fighter jets that can kill people many times over, but we won’t even invest a dime towards fixing up our old towns and cities that served as the country’s foundry.”

 


 

Action: Ohio EPA is accepting comments about the proposed expansion until 9th December 2014. Be sure to make your voice heard on this issue! Submit your comments to Ohio EPA today. 

Caitlin Johnson is Lead Organizer, Communities United for Responsible Energy – Ohio Organizing Collaborative. She works as a journalist on PBS, and was formerly with CBS News and ABC News, and a Fellow with the George Gund Foundation in Cleveland Ohio.

This article is an extended version of one originally published on Rustwire.

 




387777

Appalachia: a small city’s fight against toxic waste incineration Updated for 2026





About 100 miles Southeast of Cleveland, nestled in the foothills of the Appalachian Mountains along the Ohio River, sits the small city of East Liverpool, Ohio.

Once known as the pottery capital of the world, many of the China and glassware factories have closed, as have the steel mills where many East Liverpool residents once worked.

In its heyday during World War II, almost 50,000 people lived in East Liverpool. Today the city’s population tops off at just above 10,000.

Nearly 30% of all residents live below the poverty level. The per capita income is just over $16,000. The unemployment rate is 15%, three times the state average. It’s a city where almost every second or third house seems to be abandoned, and not just abandoned. Some are burnt out. Some are falling down.

A ‘dumping ground for the detritus of the global economy’

The locals talk about the incessant and merciless drug traffic. They say dealers have come up to the city from the east coast – having found a robust market for heroin and other opiates. The drug trade wreaks constant havoc on the streets. In late September, five people were shot there in a single night.

East Liverpool enjoys another dubious honor: a staggeringly high cancer rate. In 2009, data showed that East Liverpool’s cancer rate is 615.8 people per 100,000. The Ohio average is 450.4.

East Liverpool and the tiny towns and villages that surround it are part of the forgotten rural poor in America. Devoid of all economic opportunity, they’ve become a dumping ground for the detritus of the global economy while simultaneously fueling it by providing coal, oil and natural gas.

If you haven’t heard of East Liverpool, don’t be too hard on yourself. Until about a year ago, I hadn’t either. My job as an organizer for the Ohio Organizing Collaborative took me there. I joined the OOC to start organizing communities affected by fracking, the process of extracting oil and gas from shale formations deep within the Earth.

As I began exploring the rural areas of Eastern Ohio, a colleague introduced me to three men – one in his seventies, two in their eighties – who had been fighting for environmental justice for East Liverpool since the 1980s: Alonzo Spencer, Virgil Reynolds and Mike Walton. Each has been seeking justice for their community.

The toxic waste incinerator – thanks Bill, thanks Hillary!

They are the remnants of a once robust movement to shut down one of the world’s largest hazardous waste incinerators, constructed in 1994 and run by Heritage Thermal Services (formerly WTI). Burning 60,000 tons of hazardous waste a year, it has wreaked havoc on our health and our quality of life.

Alonzo, Virgil and Mike still write letters to the EPA, the governor and anyone else they can think of. They are still seeking answers to a huge cloud of ash (see photo) that burst out of the incinerator on 14 July 2013, which coated homes and cars in the surrounding area. No one has given them an explanation.

And despite countless violations on its permit, that very same incinerator is now pursuing a permit to expand by 25% – further burdening this distressed community.

They are encouraging all who can to help by sending a letter to the Ohio EPA asking them to refuse the permit – before the 9th December 2014 deadline!

Meanwhile the cancer cases continue to mount. A friend and coworker of mine from East Liverpool knows 12 people who suffer or passed away from blood or bone cancer. Within the last two weeks, she lost two close friends to cancer. In a city this small – this is outrageous.

The common notion is that Democrats are environmentalists and Republicans are not. But the Clinton family and administration had a hand in constructing and protecting the incinerator. Friends and former colleagues of President Bill Clinton and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton were the incinerator’s initial investors.

The Clinton administration allowed the incinerator to be constructed – 1,100 feet from an elementary school, in the middle of an African American neighborhood, on a flood plain along the Ohio River.

A city under corporate occupation

Indeed, as the area surround East Liverpool de-industrialized and residents could not longer find work that pays a living wage, the area’s main industry seems to have become waste disposal and resource extraction.

Across the river in Beaver County PA is a coal ash impoundment pond affectionately known as ‘Little Blue’, possibly because it literally glows neon blue. There are more than 600 permits for horizontal fracking wells within 50 miles of the city in Ohio only. Include western Pennsylvania it’s more like 1,300.

Just south of it, in the equally stressed village of Wellsvile, cancer-causing silica sand used for fracking operations is stored in huge uncovered piles just several hundred feet from a residential neighborhood. Down river in Jefferson County is First Energy’s dilapidated Coal Fire Power Plant WH Sammis – which the EPA says is one of Ohio’s top five polluters.

Last year, as a student at Kent State University, my colleague Amanda Kiger helped researchers from The University of Cincinnati study the effect of manganese emissions on residents of East Liverpool. Preliminary results show a link between the emissions and high rates of ADHD and other cognitive problems among residents. She even saw children display symptoms similar to those with Parkinson’s Disease.

And we all wonder why poor folks living in areas like these just can’t get a job and make something of themselves?

My family was helped up by a social infrastructure that’s no longer there

I’m not from East Liverpool. I am not poor, nor have I ever known poverty. I grew up in a comfortable suburb far from the shootings, drug trade and hazardous waste incinerators.

I am the granddaughter of poor Irish immigrants who came to Cleveland in the 1920s for economic opportunity and political freedom. My grandfather got a WPA job under President Roosevelt during the New Deal. He was a laborer who helped build the Terminal Tower. He eventually got a union job at the Cleveland Graphite Bronze Factory.

He took three buses to work every day, but made enough money to send his seven kids to Catholic school (It only cost $12 for each child to attend.) They lived in the bottom apartment of a double on West 93rd Street, often sleeping several children to a bed and my mother on the couch in the living room.

Life was hard for my mom’s family – but each and every one of those seven children joined the ranks of at least the middle class. My uncles served in the military, and the GI bill sent them to college and law school.

One uncle became a Vice President at both Notre Dame and Ohio State University and another became a judge in Cuyahoga County. My mom received her master’s degree from Boston College.

Not only was the social safety net present, but my family was not exposed to the same level of concentrated toxic contamination. Cleveland’s air quality was bad when my mom was a child in the 1950s and ’60s – but the economic opportunities she had gave her a fighting chance to move someplace healthier. Few people in East Liverpool have that chance. Those that did are already gone.

Time to invest in America’s people!

My family is smart and driven – but no more so than many of the people I have met in East Liverpool. The difference is, we benefitted from a more robust social safety net, unions and economic opportunity.

Without access to public transportation, my grandfather wouldn’t have been able to make it to work. Without a union, he wouldn’t have made a living wage. Without the programs put in place under the New Deal, my struggling young grandparents and their children might not have climbed out of poverty.

In poor neighborhoods across America, rural and urban alike, we must return to investing in our people. Without the New Deal, there would be no Caitlin Johnson – of this I am certain.

It’s time to realize that dream for all Americans. And it’s time to move to a new economy – one based on investing in people, not investing in resource extraction and waste disposal.

The areas riches in natural resources should not be the areas most plagued by crippling poverty. It doesn’t add up. The patterns are far too clear for us to continue blaming individual behavior when the game appears to be rigged in favor of nameless, faceless corporations.

As one resident comments: “We could restore towns and cities like East Liverpool. I mean, we spend billions and billions of dollars on bombs and fighter jets that can kill people many times over, but we won’t even invest a dime towards fixing up our old towns and cities that served as the country’s foundry.”

 


 

Action: Ohio EPA is accepting comments about the proposed expansion until 9th December 2014. Be sure to make your voice heard on this issue! Submit your comments to Ohio EPA today. 

Caitlin Johnson is Lead Organizer, Communities United for Responsible Energy – Ohio Organizing Collaborative. She works as a journalist on PBS, and was formerly with CBS News and ABC News, and a Fellow with the George Gund Foundation in Cleveland Ohio.

This article is an extended version of one originally published on Rustwire.

 




387777

Appalachia: a small city’s fight against toxic waste incineration Updated for 2026





About 100 miles Southeast of Cleveland, nestled in the foothills of the Appalachian Mountains along the Ohio River, sits the small city of East Liverpool, Ohio.

Once known as the pottery capital of the world, many of the China and glassware factories have closed, as have the steel mills where many East Liverpool residents once worked.

In its heyday during World War II, almost 50,000 people lived in East Liverpool. Today the city’s population tops off at just above 10,000.

Nearly 30% of all residents live below the poverty level. The per capita income is just over $16,000. The unemployment rate is 15%, three times the state average. It’s a city where almost every second or third house seems to be abandoned, and not just abandoned. Some are burnt out. Some are falling down.

A ‘dumping ground for the detritus of the global economy’

The locals talk about the incessant and merciless drug traffic. They say dealers have come up to the city from the east coast – having found a robust market for heroin and other opiates. The drug trade wreaks constant havoc on the streets. In late September, five people were shot there in a single night.

East Liverpool enjoys another dubious honor: a staggeringly high cancer rate. In 2009, data showed that East Liverpool’s cancer rate is 615.8 people per 100,000. The Ohio average is 450.4.

East Liverpool and the tiny towns and villages that surround it are part of the forgotten rural poor in America. Devoid of all economic opportunity, they’ve become a dumping ground for the detritus of the global economy while simultaneously fueling it by providing coal, oil and natural gas.

If you haven’t heard of East Liverpool, don’t be too hard on yourself. Until about a year ago, I hadn’t either. My job as an organizer for the Ohio Organizing Collaborative took me there. I joined the OOC to start organizing communities affected by fracking, the process of extracting oil and gas from shale formations deep within the Earth.

As I began exploring the rural areas of Eastern Ohio, a colleague introduced me to three men – one in his seventies, two in their eighties – who had been fighting for environmental justice for East Liverpool since the 1980s: Alonzo Spencer, Virgil Reynolds and Mike Walton. Each has been seeking justice for their community.

The toxic waste incinerator – thanks Bill, thanks Hillary!

They are the remnants of a once robust movement to shut down one of the world’s largest hazardous waste incinerators, constructed in 1994 and run by Heritage Thermal Services (formerly WTI). Burning 60,000 tons of hazardous waste a year, it has wreaked havoc on our health and our quality of life.

Alonzo, Virgil and Mike still write letters to the EPA, the governor and anyone else they can think of. They are still seeking answers to a huge cloud of ash (see photo) that burst out of the incinerator on 14 July 2013, which coated homes and cars in the surrounding area. No one has given them an explanation.

And despite countless violations on its permit, that very same incinerator is now pursuing a permit to expand by 25% – further burdening this distressed community.

They are encouraging all who can to help by sending a letter to the Ohio EPA asking them to refuse the permit – before the 9th December 2014 deadline!

Meanwhile the cancer cases continue to mount. A friend and coworker of mine from East Liverpool knows 12 people who suffer or passed away from blood or bone cancer. Within the last two weeks, she lost two close friends to cancer. In a city this small – this is outrageous.

The common notion is that Democrats are environmentalists and Republicans are not. But the Clinton family and administration had a hand in constructing and protecting the incinerator. Friends and former colleagues of President Bill Clinton and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton were the incinerator’s initial investors.

The Clinton administration allowed the incinerator to be constructed – 1,100 feet from an elementary school, in the middle of an African American neighborhood, on a flood plain along the Ohio River.

A city under corporate occupation

Indeed, as the area surround East Liverpool de-industrialized and residents could not longer find work that pays a living wage, the area’s main industry seems to have become waste disposal and resource extraction.

Across the river in Beaver County PA is a coal ash impoundment pond affectionately known as ‘Little Blue’, possibly because it literally glows neon blue. There are more than 600 permits for horizontal fracking wells within 50 miles of the city in Ohio only. Include western Pennsylvania it’s more like 1,300.

Just south of it, in the equally stressed village of Wellsvile, cancer-causing silica sand used for fracking operations is stored in huge uncovered piles just several hundred feet from a residential neighborhood. Down river in Jefferson County is First Energy’s dilapidated Coal Fire Power Plant WH Sammis – which the EPA says is one of Ohio’s top five polluters.

Last year, as a student at Kent State University, my colleague Amanda Kiger helped researchers from The University of Cincinnati study the effect of manganese emissions on residents of East Liverpool. Preliminary results show a link between the emissions and high rates of ADHD and other cognitive problems among residents. She even saw children display symptoms similar to those with Parkinson’s Disease.

And we all wonder why poor folks living in areas like these just can’t get a job and make something of themselves?

My family was helped up by a social infrastructure that’s no longer there

I’m not from East Liverpool. I am not poor, nor have I ever known poverty. I grew up in a comfortable suburb far from the shootings, drug trade and hazardous waste incinerators.

I am the granddaughter of poor Irish immigrants who came to Cleveland in the 1920s for economic opportunity and political freedom. My grandfather got a WPA job under President Roosevelt during the New Deal. He was a laborer who helped build the Terminal Tower. He eventually got a union job at the Cleveland Graphite Bronze Factory.

He took three buses to work every day, but made enough money to send his seven kids to Catholic school (It only cost $12 for each child to attend.) They lived in the bottom apartment of a double on West 93rd Street, often sleeping several children to a bed and my mother on the couch in the living room.

Life was hard for my mom’s family – but each and every one of those seven children joined the ranks of at least the middle class. My uncles served in the military, and the GI bill sent them to college and law school.

One uncle became a Vice President at both Notre Dame and Ohio State University and another became a judge in Cuyahoga County. My mom received her master’s degree from Boston College.

Not only was the social safety net present, but my family was not exposed to the same level of concentrated toxic contamination. Cleveland’s air quality was bad when my mom was a child in the 1950s and ’60s – but the economic opportunities she had gave her a fighting chance to move someplace healthier. Few people in East Liverpool have that chance. Those that did are already gone.

Time to invest in America’s people!

My family is smart and driven – but no more so than many of the people I have met in East Liverpool. The difference is, we benefitted from a more robust social safety net, unions and economic opportunity.

Without access to public transportation, my grandfather wouldn’t have been able to make it to work. Without a union, he wouldn’t have made a living wage. Without the programs put in place under the New Deal, my struggling young grandparents and their children might not have climbed out of poverty.

In poor neighborhoods across America, rural and urban alike, we must return to investing in our people. Without the New Deal, there would be no Caitlin Johnson – of this I am certain.

It’s time to realize that dream for all Americans. And it’s time to move to a new economy – one based on investing in people, not investing in resource extraction and waste disposal.

The areas riches in natural resources should not be the areas most plagued by crippling poverty. It doesn’t add up. The patterns are far too clear for us to continue blaming individual behavior when the game appears to be rigged in favor of nameless, faceless corporations.

As one resident comments: “We could restore towns and cities like East Liverpool. I mean, we spend billions and billions of dollars on bombs and fighter jets that can kill people many times over, but we won’t even invest a dime towards fixing up our old towns and cities that served as the country’s foundry.”

 


 

Action: Ohio EPA is accepting comments about the proposed expansion until 9th December 2014. Be sure to make your voice heard on this issue! Submit your comments to Ohio EPA today. 

Caitlin Johnson is Lead Organizer, Communities United for Responsible Energy – Ohio Organizing Collaborative. She works as a journalist on PBS, and was formerly with CBS News and ABC News, and a Fellow with the George Gund Foundation in Cleveland Ohio.

This article is an extended version of one originally published on Rustwire.

 




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Appalachia: a small city’s fight against toxic waste incineration Updated for 2026





About 100 miles Southeast of Cleveland, nestled in the foothills of the Appalachian Mountains along the Ohio River, sits the small city of East Liverpool, Ohio.

Once known as the pottery capital of the world, many of the China and glassware factories have closed, as have the steel mills where many East Liverpool residents once worked.

In its heyday during World War II, almost 50,000 people lived in East Liverpool. Today the city’s population tops off at just above 10,000.

Nearly 30% of all residents live below the poverty level. The per capita income is just over $16,000. The unemployment rate is 15%, three times the state average. It’s a city where almost every second or third house seems to be abandoned, and not just abandoned. Some are burnt out. Some are falling down.

A ‘dumping ground for the detritus of the global economy’

The locals talk about the incessant and merciless drug traffic. They say dealers have come up to the city from the east coast – having found a robust market for heroin and other opiates. The drug trade wreaks constant havoc on the streets. In late September, five people were shot there in a single night.

East Liverpool enjoys another dubious honor: a staggeringly high cancer rate. In 2009, data showed that East Liverpool’s cancer rate is 615.8 people per 100,000. The Ohio average is 450.4.

East Liverpool and the tiny towns and villages that surround it are part of the forgotten rural poor in America. Devoid of all economic opportunity, they’ve become a dumping ground for the detritus of the global economy while simultaneously fueling it by providing coal, oil and natural gas.

If you haven’t heard of East Liverpool, don’t be too hard on yourself. Until about a year ago, I hadn’t either. My job as an organizer for the Ohio Organizing Collaborative took me there. I joined the OOC to start organizing communities affected by fracking, the process of extracting oil and gas from shale formations deep within the Earth.

As I began exploring the rural areas of Eastern Ohio, a colleague introduced me to three men – one in his seventies, two in their eighties – who had been fighting for environmental justice for East Liverpool since the 1980s: Alonzo Spencer, Virgil Reynolds and Mike Walton. Each has been seeking justice for their community.

The toxic waste incinerator – thanks Bill, thanks Hillary!

They are the remnants of a once robust movement to shut down one of the world’s largest hazardous waste incinerators, constructed in 1994 and run by Heritage Thermal Services (formerly WTI). Burning 60,000 tons of hazardous waste a year, it has wreaked havoc on our health and our quality of life.

Alonzo, Virgil and Mike still write letters to the EPA, the governor and anyone else they can think of. They are still seeking answers to a huge cloud of ash (see photo) that burst out of the incinerator on 14 July 2013, which coated homes and cars in the surrounding area. No one has given them an explanation.

And despite countless violations on its permit, that very same incinerator is now pursuing a permit to expand by 25% – further burdening this distressed community.

They are encouraging all who can to help by sending a letter to the Ohio EPA asking them to refuse the permit – before the 9th December 2014 deadline!

Meanwhile the cancer cases continue to mount. A friend and coworker of mine from East Liverpool knows 12 people who suffer or passed away from blood or bone cancer. Within the last two weeks, she lost two close friends to cancer. In a city this small – this is outrageous.

The common notion is that Democrats are environmentalists and Republicans are not. But the Clinton family and administration had a hand in constructing and protecting the incinerator. Friends and former colleagues of President Bill Clinton and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton were the incinerator’s initial investors.

The Clinton administration allowed the incinerator to be constructed – 1,100 feet from an elementary school, in the middle of an African American neighborhood, on a flood plain along the Ohio River.

A city under corporate occupation

Indeed, as the area surround East Liverpool de-industrialized and residents could not longer find work that pays a living wage, the area’s main industry seems to have become waste disposal and resource extraction.

Across the river in Beaver County PA is a coal ash impoundment pond affectionately known as ‘Little Blue’, possibly because it literally glows neon blue. There are more than 600 permits for horizontal fracking wells within 50 miles of the city in Ohio only. Include western Pennsylvania it’s more like 1,300.

Just south of it, in the equally stressed village of Wellsvile, cancer-causing silica sand used for fracking operations is stored in huge uncovered piles just several hundred feet from a residential neighborhood. Down river in Jefferson County is First Energy’s dilapidated Coal Fire Power Plant WH Sammis – which the EPA says is one of Ohio’s top five polluters.

Last year, as a student at Kent State University, my colleague Amanda Kiger helped researchers from The University of Cincinnati study the effect of manganese emissions on residents of East Liverpool. Preliminary results show a link between the emissions and high rates of ADHD and other cognitive problems among residents. She even saw children display symptoms similar to those with Parkinson’s Disease.

And we all wonder why poor folks living in areas like these just can’t get a job and make something of themselves?

My family was helped up by a social infrastructure that’s no longer there

I’m not from East Liverpool. I am not poor, nor have I ever known poverty. I grew up in a comfortable suburb far from the shootings, drug trade and hazardous waste incinerators.

I am the granddaughter of poor Irish immigrants who came to Cleveland in the 1920s for economic opportunity and political freedom. My grandfather got a WPA job under President Roosevelt during the New Deal. He was a laborer who helped build the Terminal Tower. He eventually got a union job at the Cleveland Graphite Bronze Factory.

He took three buses to work every day, but made enough money to send his seven kids to Catholic school (It only cost $12 for each child to attend.) They lived in the bottom apartment of a double on West 93rd Street, often sleeping several children to a bed and my mother on the couch in the living room.

Life was hard for my mom’s family – but each and every one of those seven children joined the ranks of at least the middle class. My uncles served in the military, and the GI bill sent them to college and law school.

One uncle became a Vice President at both Notre Dame and Ohio State University and another became a judge in Cuyahoga County. My mom received her master’s degree from Boston College.

Not only was the social safety net present, but my family was not exposed to the same level of concentrated toxic contamination. Cleveland’s air quality was bad when my mom was a child in the 1950s and ’60s – but the economic opportunities she had gave her a fighting chance to move someplace healthier. Few people in East Liverpool have that chance. Those that did are already gone.

Time to invest in America’s people!

My family is smart and driven – but no more so than many of the people I have met in East Liverpool. The difference is, we benefitted from a more robust social safety net, unions and economic opportunity.

Without access to public transportation, my grandfather wouldn’t have been able to make it to work. Without a union, he wouldn’t have made a living wage. Without the programs put in place under the New Deal, my struggling young grandparents and their children might not have climbed out of poverty.

In poor neighborhoods across America, rural and urban alike, we must return to investing in our people. Without the New Deal, there would be no Caitlin Johnson – of this I am certain.

It’s time to realize that dream for all Americans. And it’s time to move to a new economy – one based on investing in people, not investing in resource extraction and waste disposal.

The areas riches in natural resources should not be the areas most plagued by crippling poverty. It doesn’t add up. The patterns are far too clear for us to continue blaming individual behavior when the game appears to be rigged in favor of nameless, faceless corporations.

As one resident comments: “We could restore towns and cities like East Liverpool. I mean, we spend billions and billions of dollars on bombs and fighter jets that can kill people many times over, but we won’t even invest a dime towards fixing up our old towns and cities that served as the country’s foundry.”

 


 

Action: Ohio EPA is accepting comments about the proposed expansion until 9th December 2014. Be sure to make your voice heard on this issue! Submit your comments to Ohio EPA today. 

Caitlin Johnson is Lead Organizer, Communities United for Responsible Energy – Ohio Organizing Collaborative. She works as a journalist on PBS, and was formerly with CBS News and ABC News, and a Fellow with the George Gund Foundation in Cleveland Ohio.

This article is an extended version of one originally published on Rustwire.

 




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