Tag Archives: journalists

Truth is our country Updated for 2026





As Jesus told the people of Nazareth, a prophet is without honor in his own country. In the United States, this is also true of journalists.

In the United States journalists receive awards for lying for the government and for the corporations. Anyone who tells the truth, whether journalist or whistleblower, is fired or prosecuted or has to hide out in the Ecuadoran Embassy in London, like Julian Assange, or in Moscow, like Edward Snowden, or is tortured and imprisoned, like Bradley Manning.

Mexican journalists pay an even higher price. Those who report on government corruption and on the drug cartels pay with their lives.

The Internet encyclopedia, Wikipedia, has as an entry a list by name of journalists murdered in Mexico. This is the List of Honor. Wikipedia reports than more than 100 Mexican journalists have been killed or disappeared in the 21st century.

Despite intimidation the Mexican press has not abandoned its job. Because of your courage, I regard this award bestowed on me as the greatest of honors.

A daily fraud perpetuated on readers, viewers and listeners

In the United States real journalists are scarce and are becoming more scarce. Journalists have morphed into a new creature. Gerald Celente calls US journalists “presstitutes”, a word formed from press prostitute. In other words, journalists in the United States are whores for the government and for the corporations.

The few real journalists that remain are resigning. Last year Sharyl Attkisson, a 21-year veteran reporter with CBS resigned on the grounds that it had become too much of a fight to get truth reported. She was frustrated that CBS saw its purpose to be a protector of the powerful, not a critic.

Recently Peter Oborne, the UK Telegraph’s chief political commentator, explained why he resigned. His stories about the wrongdoings of the banking giant, HSBC, were spiked, because HSBC is an important advertiser for the Telegraph. Osborne says:

“The coverage of HSBC in Britain’s Telegraph is a fraud on its readers. If major newspapers allow corporations to influence their content for fear of losing advertising revenue, democracy itself is in peril.”

Last summer former New York Times editor Jill Abramson in a speech at the Chautauqua Institution said that the New York Times withheld information at the request of the White House. She said that for a number of years the press in general did not publish any stories that upset the White House. She justified this complete failure of journalism on the grounds that “journalists are Americans, too. I consider myself to be a patriot.”

So in the United States journalists lie for the government because they are patriotic, and their readers and listeners believe the lies because they are patriotic.

Stripped of Truth, journalism becomes propaganda

Our view differs from the view of the New York Times editor. The view of those of us here today is that our country is not the United States, it is not Mexico, our country is Truth. Once a journalist sacrifices Truth to loyalty to a government, he ceases to be a journalist and becomes a propagandist.

Recently, Brian Williams, the television news anchor at NBC, destroyed his career because he mis-remembered an episode of more than a decade ago when he was covering the Iraq War. He told his audience that a helicopter in which he was with troops in a war zone as a war correspondent was hit by ground fire and had to land.

But the helicopter had not been hit by ground fire. His fellow journalists turned on him, accusing him of lying in order to enhance his status as a war correspondent. On February 10, NBC suspended Brian Williams for 6 months from his job as Managing Editor and Anchor of NBC Nightly News.

Think about this for a moment. It makes no difference whatsoever whether the helicopter had to land because it had been hit by gun fire or for some other reason or whether it had to land at all. If it was an intentional lie, it was one of no consequence. If it was a mistake, an episode of ‘alse memory’, why the excessive reaction? Psychologists say that false memories are common.

The same NBC that suspended Brian Williams and the journalists who accused him of lying are all guilty of telling massive lies for the entirety of the 21st century that have had vast consequences.

The United States government has been, and still is, invading, bombing, and droning seven or eight countries on the basis of lies told by Washington and endlessly repeated by the media. Millions of people have been killed, maimed, and displaced by violence based entirely on lies spewing out of the mouths of Washington and its presstitutes.

We know what these lies are: Saddam Hussein’s weapons of mass destruction. Assad of Syria’s use of chemical weapons. Iranian nukes. Pakistani and Yemeni terrorists. Terrorists in Somalia. The endless lies about Gaddafi in Libya, about the Taliban in Afghanistan. And now the alleged Russian invasion and annexation of Ukraine.

All of these transparent lies are repeated endlessly, and no one is held accountable. But one journalist mis-remembers one insignificant detail about a helicopter ride and his career is destroyed.

Truth is the enemy of the state

We can safely conclude that the only honest journalism that exists in the United States is provided by alternative media on the Internet. Consequently, the Internet is now under US government attack. ‘Truth is the enemy of the state’ – and Washington intends to shut down truth everywhere.

Washington has appointed Andrew Lack, the former president of NBC News, to be the chief executive of the Broadcasting Board of Governors. His first official statement compared RT, Russia Today, the Russian-based news agency, with the Islamic State and Boko Haram. In other words, Mr. Lack brands RT as a terrorist organization.

The purpose of Andrew Lack’s absurd comparison is to strike fear at RT that the news organization will be expelled from US media markets. Andrew Lack’s message to RT is: “lie for us or we are going to expel you from our air waves.”

The British already did this to Iran’s Press TV.

In the United States the attack on Internet independent media is proceeding on several fronts. One is known as the issue of ‘net neutrality’.

There is an effort by Washington, joined by Internet providers, to charge sites for speedy access. Bandwidth would be sold for fees. Large media corporations, such as CNN and the New York Times, would be able to pay the prices for a quickly opening website.

Smaller independent sites such as mine would be hampered with the slowness of the old ‘dial-up’ type bandwidth. Click on CNN and the site immediately opens. Click on paulcraigroberts.org and wait five minutes. You get the picture. This is Washington’s plan and the corporations’ plan for the Internet.

The vindictive state against the honest citizen

But it gets worse. The Electronic Frontier Foundation, which attempts to defend our digital rights, reports that so-called ‘free trade agreements’ such as the Trans Pacific Partnership (and the Trans Atlantic Trade & Investment Partnership / TTIP) impose prison sentences, massive fines, and property seizures on Internet users who innocently violate vague language in the so-called trade agreements.

Recently, a young American, Barrett Brown, was sentenced to 5 years in prison and a fine of $890,000 for linking to allegedly hacked documents posted on the Internet. Barrett Brown did not hack the documents. He merely linked to an Internet posting, and he has no prospect of earning $890,000 over the course of his life.

The purpose of the US government’s prosecution, indeed, persecution, of this young person is to establish the precedent that anyone who uses Internet information in ways that Washington disapproves, or for purposes that Washington disapproves, is a criminal whose life will be ruined.

The purpose of Barrett Brown’s show trial is to intimidate. It is Washington’s equivalent to the murder of Mexican journalists.

The aim is simple – world domination

But this is prologue. Now we turn to the challenge that Washington presents to the entire world.

It is the nature of government and of technology to establish control. People everywhere face the threat of control by government and technology. But the threat from Washington is much greater. Washington is not content with only controlling the citizens of the United States. Washington intends to control the world.

Michael Gorbachev is correct when he says that the collapse of the Soviet Union was the worst thing that has happened to humanity, because the Soviet collapse removed the only constraint on Washington’s power.

The Soviet collapse released a terrible evil upon the world. The neoconservatives in Washington concluded that the failure of communism meant that History has chosen American ‘democratic capitalism’, which is neither democratic nor capitalist, to rule the world. The Soviet collapse signaled ‘the End of History’, by which is meant the end of competition between social, political and economic systems.

The choice made by History elevated the United States to the pre-eminent position of being the “indispensable and exceptional” country, a claim of superiority. If the United States is “indispensable”, then others are dispensable. If the United States is exceptional, then others are unexceptional. We have seen the consequences of Washington’s ideology in Washington’s destruction of life and stability in the Middle East.

Washington’s drive for World Hegemony, based as it is on a lie, makes necessary the obliteration of Truth. As Washington’s agenda of supremacy is all encompassing, Washington regards truth as a greater enemy than Russians, Muslim terrorists, and the Islamic State.

As truth is Washington’s worst enemy, everyone associated with the truth is Washington’s enemy.

The empire of chaos and lawlessness

Latin America can have no illusions about Washington. The first act of the Obama Regime was to overthrow the democratic reformist government of Honduras. Currently, the Obama Regime is trying to overthrow the governments of Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Argentina.

As Mexicans know, in the 19th century Washington stole half of Mexico. Today Washington is stealing the rest of Mexico. The United States is stealing Mexico via financial imperialism, by subordinating Mexican agriculture and self-sustaining peasant agricultural communities to foreign-owned monoculture, by infecting Mexico with Monsanto’s GMO’s, genetically modified organisms, seeds that do not reproduce, chemicals that destroy the soil and nature’s nutrients, seeds that leave Mexico dependent on Monsanto for food crops with reduced nutritional value.

It is easy for governments to sell out their countries to Washington and the North American corporations. Washington and US corporations pay high prices for subservience to their control. It is difficult for countries, small in economic and political influence, to stand against such power. All sorts of masks are used behind which Washington hides US exploitation-globalism, free trade treaties …

But the world is changing. Putin has revived Russia, and Russia has proved its ability to stand up to Washington. On a purchasing power basis, China now has the largest economy in the world. As China and Russia are now strategic allies, Washington cannot act against one without acting against the other. The two combined exceed Washington’s capabilities.

The United States government has proven to the entire world that it is lawless. A country that flaunts its disrespect of law cannot provide trusted leadership. My conclusion is that Washington’s power has peaked.

One ring to rule them all …

Another reason Washington’s power has peaked is that Washington has used its power to serve only itself and US corporations. The Rest of the World is dispensable and has been left out.

Washington’s power grew out of World War 2. All other economies and currencies were devastated. This allowed Washington to seize the world reserve currency role from Great Britain.

The advantage of being the world reserve currency is that you can pay your bills by printing money. In other words, you can’t go broke as long as other countries are willing to hold your fiat currency as their reserves.

But if other countries were to decide not to hold US currency as reserves, the US could go broke suddenly.

Since 2008 the supply of US dollars has increased dramatically in relation to the ability of the real economy to produce goods and services. Whenever the growth of money outpaces the growth of real output, trouble lies ahead. Moreover, Washington’s policy of imposing sanctions in an effort to force other countries to do its will is causing a large part of the world known as the BRICS to develop an alternative international payments system.

Washington’s arrogance and hubris have caused Washington to ignore the interests of other countries, including those of its allies. Even Washington’s European vassal states show signs of developing an independent foreign policy in their approach to Russia and Ukraine. Opportunities will arise for governments to escape from Washington’s control and to pursue the interests of their own peoples.

The media’s new imperatives: make money; serve the state

The US media has never performed the function assigned to it by the Founding Fathers. The media is supposed to be diverse and independent. It is supposed to confront both government and private interest groups with the facts and the truth.

At times the US media partially fulfilled this role, but not since the final years of the Clinton Regime when the government allowed six mega-media companies to consolidate 90% of the media in their hands.

The mega-media companies that control the US media are GE, News Corp, Disney, Viacom, Time Warner, and CBS. (GE owns NBC, formerly an independent network. News Corp owns Fox News, the Wall Street Journal, and British newspapers. Disney owns ABC. Time Warner owns CNN.)

The US media is no longer run by journalists. It is run by former government officials and corporate advertising executives. The values of the mega-media companies depend on their federal broadcast licenses.

If the companies go against the government, the companies take a risk that their licenses will not be renewed and, thus, the multi-billion dollar values of the companies fall to zero. If media organizations investigate wrongful activities by corporations, they risk the loss of advertising revenues and become less viable.

Ninety percent control of the media gives government a Ministry of Propaganda, and that is what exists in the United States. Nothing reported in the print or TV media can be trusted.

Today there is a massive propaganda campaign against the Russian government. The incessant flow of disinformation from Washington and the media has destroyed the trust between nuclear powers that President Reagan and President Gorbachev worked so hard to create. According to polls, 62% of the US population now regards Russia as the main threat.

I conclude my remarks with the observation that there can be no greater media failure than to bring back the specter of nuclear war. And that is what the US media has achieved.

 


 

Paul Craig Roberts won the International Award for Excellence in Journalism 2015. This article is a transcript of his acceptance speech at the Club De Periodistas De Mexico, March 12, 2015. It was first published on his website, also available in Spanish.

Paul Craig Roberts is a former Assistant Secretary of the US Treasury and Associate Editor of the Wall Street Journal. Roberts’ How the Economy Was Lost is now available from CounterPunch in electronic format. His latest book is How America Was Lost.

 

 




391469

Journalists doing their job are not ‘domestic extremists’ Updated for 2026





Wander around Thrupp lake, a disused gravel pit near Abingdon and you’ll be mesmerised by the golden hues of autumn leaves, and the tranquility punctuated by the calls of terns, geese and ducks. Look a bit harder and you’ll see egrets, fieldfares, kingfishers and a host of other birds.

The place is swarming with wildlife. Otters have reportedly been seen here, a sure sign of a well established ecosystem. It’s also people friendly, with boarded out walkways, wooden bird hides, and information signs. It’s a beautiful, well cared for place.

But just seven years ago, in 2007, all of this was to be destroyed. The energy company NPower, operator of the now-closed Didcot A coal-fired power station, wanted somewhere to dump their fly ash – half a million tonnes of it.

And since they owned the land at Thrupp lakes – where they and the former CEGB had been filling lake after lake for decades – dumping their coal ash there was, they claimed, their cheapest option.

All the surrounding trees would be cut down, the water drained out and the toxic ash poured in. The site would be capped off and fenced with ‘Danger’ signs, as with other lakes nearby.

A lake too far!

For the locals who regularly walked around Thrupp lake its impending destruction was the last straw. Objections were strong but polite. Why couldn’t NPower use other means of disposal for the fly ash – increasingly sought after for making Portland cement, pour-on screeds, lightweight ‘thermalite’ blocks and other building materials?

And they were up against a surprisingly heavy-handed security operation for what was basically a local protest. NPower’s balaclava-clad security guards – many of them ex-military as I found out later – filmed every movement of the protestors.

My own involvement was as a freelance journalist and photographer and National Union of Journalists (NUJ) member.

One day I received a phone call from a local who told me to get down to the lake as quick as I could as NPower contractors were cutting down trees in an area long used by kingfishers for breeding and feeding – and kingfishers are protected under the EC Habitats Directive, and our own Wildlife & Countryside Act. Destroying their habitat is a criminal offence.

Within minutes of arrival I found the scene and was filming the felling of trees in the very place where, a few weeks earlier, I had photographed the iridescent jewel of a Kingsfisher.

Hit by a legal sledgehammer

Minutes later I could hardly believe my eyes when I saw a team of balaclava’d security guards in hi-vis jackets and two men in pinstripe suits approaching me carrying a pile of papers.

The suits were lawyers who served on me an injunction that NPower had obtained from the High Court the day before, which applied to anyone who even knew of its existence it, no matter who they were or what their business.

The injunction – granted in a secret hearing based on the anonymous and unchallenged evidence of security guards – created a seclusion zone around the lake, and forbade filming or photographing NPower employees and contractors. Breaking the injunction would result in a five year jail sentence.

Fortunately I was already filming while they came up to me, and I showed them my NUJ press card. Although the fact that my video camera was running as the injunction was served on me potentially put me in breach of the injunction.

But NPower’s heavy-handed action achieved precisely what the company, part of Germany’s RWE power giant, did not want: it got the story into the national news.

As Jon Snow observed in his report on Channel 4 News (see video, above), “it is a cautionary tale of how some large corporations are able to suspend some basic human freedoms we thought we enjoyed.” And as the C4 reporter Alex Thompson said, “In effect covering the story of the destruction of the lake is now a criminal offence.”

The injunction was later successfully challenged by the NUJ and the wording altered to allow reporting by the press. The embarrassment also caused to Npower to abandon their plans to fill the lake with ash. Ultimately the lake and surrounding land was handed over to a local wildlife charity, the Earth Trust. It is now a nature reserve and well visited by locals.

‘Hello Mr Arbib, we know all about you … ‘

Years later in 2013 I had been covering a news story near Hastings on the building of the A259 Bexhill bypass, widely derided as a ‘road to nowhere‘. Protestors from the Combe Haven Defenders had set up camps along the route and climbed trees that were due to be felled.

I understood that the tree evictions were imminent so I climbed up a rope to get a good vantage point for photographs from a tree platform.

After a day and a night on the platform I decided to get down. within minutes I was surrounded by security who attempted to pin me to the ground. I explained I was a member of the press. Their team leader said: “OK we know who you are. Escort him off site lads.”

The next day I met him and other members of his team at the perimeter fence. They addressed me by my name though I had never divulged my identity … so how was that?

Domestic extremism?

Last year the NUJ notified their members that for £10 anyone could ask the police for any records that they might hold on the Domestic Extremist register. The incident at Hastings sprung to mind, I applied.

What came back was short but it did hold some interesting observations: “Arbib is a known environmental protester”; “Arbib appears to be a professional photographer with an interest in the environment”.

There was more. An incident was also logged where I had been identified undertaking the highly subversive action of photographing apple orchards close to Heathrow airport for a feature on apples for the Guardian.

However It was the first statement which bothered me. The word ‘known’ had an Orwellian ring to it. It indicated another layer to this that wasn’t being shared. Where was the evidence for ‘known’.

I had photographed a lot of the protests in the 1990’s including road protests at Twyford Down, Newbury, Solsbury Hill and other sites, covering it extensively for the Guardian newspaper and other news outlets. I eventually ended up publishing a book on it.

You could say that I specialised in photographing protest but I did a lot of other kinds of photography too. I travelled to India, Sudan and Zimbabwe for the likes of Christian Aid, I worked for the BBC and Channel 4 as a stills photographer and completed lots of features and portraits for a variety of magazines.

A good photographer knows his subjects

While studying photography in the 1980’s l learned that every good social documentary photographer achieved their best works because they were close to their subject matter.

Eugene Smith, one of the most famous, put his heart and soul into photographing the Minamata chemical leak in Japan. He got beaten up for his efforts by the company that were trying to keep the story silent.

So I stand by rule that if your pictures aren’t good enough you’re not close enough. You need to know your material. All the best work that I’ve done has been due to research, a passion for the subject and time spent on the ground. 

And while no Eugene Smith myself I’ve got close to my subjects to get the story. I’m often sympathetic to them, but not always. But whether I am or not, it’s essential to know them and understand them. When Leo Regan photographed his book Public Enemies about neo-Nazis in the UK it didn’t mean he was a neo-Nazi.

None of my activities have ever taken me into the realms of illegality. For me to feature on the Domestic Extremist Database seems at best absurd and at worst deeply sinister.

It should be of huge concern to everyone that this data is being held on journalists. It is the journalists who get silenced first in a totalitarian regime.

Five other journalists in the same boat

And it’s not just me. Six NUJ journalists (myself included) find ourselves in this position and backed by the NUJ we are taking legal action against the Metropolitan Police Commissioner and the Home Secretary to challenge this ongoing police surveillance.

Amongst other things, our aims are to have the data they hold on us destroyed – and to find out, if possible, where this information is being shared and by what criteria it is gathered.

My colleagues – all of whom have similarly covered protests and have done stories on the police or held corporations to account – have thicker files on them than I do. Jules Mattson, for example, has information on his records delving into the medical history of one of his family members – amongst many other things, and much of it is patently wrong.

I was delighted with the statement by our lawyer Shamik Dutta, from Bhatt Murphy solicitors, that “Journalists who seek to expose corporate and state misconduct are entitled to legal protection which enables them to do their job.”

Shamik also questioned “how it could possibly be reasonable, proportionate or necessary for the police to monitor and retain information about journalists for any purpose, let alone for the purposes of policing ‘domestic extremism’.”

Now: ‘extreme disruption orders’

But the story does not end here. I’m deeply concerned that the Home Secreary, Theresa May, is now proposing a further clampdown on civil liberties by creating a legal mechanism that would further impact so-called ‘domestic extremists’.

Under her proposals, even people whose activities are entirely within the law could be subject to so-called ‘extreme disruption orders’ if they “undertake harmful activities”. The orders would be issued by a High Court judge on an application from the police based on a legal test of ‘balance of probabilities’

The orders could ban individuals from broadcasting or speaking at public events, or from being with other named people, or from being in specified locations, and force them to get police permission to attend any public event, protest or meeting, and before publishing anything – even on social media.

Theresa May says the measures are aimed at those who would “spread, incite or justify hatred against people on grounds of race, religion, sexual orientation or disability” – but this could be a slippery slope.

We already know how police and prosecutors have used anti-terrorism legislation against peaceful protestors – in many cases against people who were not even breaking any law, like the case against Juliet McBride, an anti-nuclear weapons protestor at Aldermarston.

I and my fellow appellants also know how the wrong people can end up being labelled ‘domestic extremists’ – and that’s not just journalists but also people who have done no more than organise environmental meetings.

While no one wants to empower the small minority of people in this country who represent real danger to the peace and security of the realm, the state already has enormous powers and resources at its disposal.

And to judge by its shabby record, the British state is all too ready to abuse its powers by turning them against people in ways that were never envisaged or intended by legislators, including legitimate and peaceful campaigners, protestors, dissidents of various stripes – and the media.

The last thing we should allow is for the state to take on yet greater powers, only for them to turn against us when it suits them, and further restrict the freedom of the media that holds an essential role in any free and democratic nation.

 


 

Adrian Arbib is a freelance journalist and photographer.

Petition: Stop the UK Government from Introducing ‘Extreme Disruption Orders’!

 

 




387136

Journalists doing their job are not ‘domestic extremists’ Updated for 2026





Wander around Thrupp lake, a disused gravel pit near Abingdon and you’ll be mesmerised by the golden hues of autumn leaves, and the tranquility punctuated by the calls of terns, geese and ducks. Look a bit harder and you’ll see egrets, fieldfares, kingfishers and a host of other birds.

The place is swarming with wildlife. Otters have reportedly been seen here, a sure sign of a well established ecosystem. It’s also people friendly, with boarded out walkways, wooden bird hides, and information signs. It’s a beautiful, well cared for place.

But just seven years ago, in 2007, all of this was to be destroyed. The energy company NPower, operator of the now-closed Didcot A coal-fired power station, wanted somewhere to dump their fly ash – half a million tonnes of it.

And since they owned the land at Thrupp lakes – where they and the former CEGB had been filling lake after lake for decades – dumping their coal ash there was, they claimed, their cheapest option.

All the surrounding trees would be cut down, the water drained out and the toxic ash poured in. The site would be capped off and fenced with ‘Danger’ signs, as with other lakes nearby.

A lake too far!

For the locals who regularly walked around Thrupp lake its impending destruction was the last straw. Objections were strong but polite. Why couldn’t NPower use other means of disposal for the fly ash – increasingly sought after for making Portland cement, pour-on screeds, lightweight ‘thermalite’ blocks and other building materials?

And they were up against a surprisingly heavy-handed security operation for what was basically a local protest. NPower’s balaclava-clad security guards – many of them ex-military as I found out later – filmed every movement of the protestors.

My own involvement was as a freelance journalist and photographer and National Union of Journalists (NUJ) member.

One day I received a phone call from a local who told me to get down to the lake as quick as I could as NPower contractors were cutting down trees in an area long used by kingfishers for breeding and feeding – and kingfishers are protected under the EC Habitats Directive, and our own Wildlife & Countryside Act. Destroying their habitat is a criminal offence.

Within minutes of arrival I found the scene and was filming the felling of trees in the very place where, a few weeks earlier, I had photographed the iridescent jewel of a Kingsfisher.

Hit by a legal sledgehammer

Minutes later I could hardly believe my eyes when I saw a team of balaclava’d security guards in hi-vis jackets and two men in pinstripe suits approaching me carrying a pile of papers.

The suits were lawyers who served on me an injunction that NPower had obtained from the High Court the day before, which applied to anyone who even knew of its existence it, no matter who they were or what their business.

The injunction – granted in a secret hearing based on the anonymous and unchallenged evidence of security guards – created a seclusion zone around the lake, and forbade filming or photographing NPower employees and contractors. Breaking the injunction would result in a five year jail sentence.

Fortunately I was already filming while they came up to me, and I showed them my NUJ press card. Although the fact that my video camera was running as the injunction was served on me potentially put me in breach of the injunction.

But NPower’s heavy-handed action achieved precisely what the company, part of Germany’s RWE power giant, did not want: it got the story into the national news.

As Jon Snow observed in his report on Channel 4 News (see video, above), “it is a cautionary tale of how some large corporations are able to suspend some basic human freedoms we thought we enjoyed.” And as the C4 reporter Alex Thompson said, “In effect covering the story of the destruction of the lake is now a criminal offence.”

The injunction was later successfully challenged by the NUJ and the wording altered to allow reporting by the press. The embarrassment also caused to Npower to abandon their plans to fill the lake with ash. Ultimately the lake and surrounding land was handed over to a local wildlife charity, the Earth Trust. It is now a nature reserve and well visited by locals.

‘Hello Mr Arbib, we know all about you … ‘

Years later in 2013 I had been covering a news story near Hastings on the building of the A259 Bexhill bypass, widely derided as a ‘road to nowhere‘. Protestors from the Combe Haven Defenders had set up camps along the route and climbed trees that were due to be felled.

I understood that the tree evictions were imminent so I climbed up a rope to get a good vantage point for photographs from a tree platform.

After a day and a night on the platform I decided to get down. within minutes I was surrounded by security who attempted to pin me to the ground. I explained I was a member of the press. Their team leader said: “OK we know who you are. Escort him off site lads.”

The next day I met him and other members of his team at the perimeter fence. They addressed me by my name though I had never divulged my identity … so how was that?

Domestic extremism?

Last year the NUJ notified their members that for £10 anyone could ask the police for any records that they might hold on the Domestic Extremist register. The incident at Hastings sprung to mind, I applied.

What came back was short but it did hold some interesting observations: “Arbib is a known environmental protester”; “Arbib appears to be a professional photographer with an interest in the environment”.

There was more. An incident was also logged where I had been identified undertaking the highly subversive action of photographing apple orchards close to Heathrow airport for a feature on apples for the Guardian.

However It was the first statement which bothered me. The word ‘known’ had an Orwellian ring to it. It indicated another layer to this that wasn’t being shared. Where was the evidence for ‘known’.

I had photographed a lot of the protests in the 1990’s including road protests at Twyford Down, Newbury, Solsbury Hill and other sites, covering it extensively for the Guardian newspaper and other news outlets. I eventually ended up publishing a book on it.

You could say that I specialised in photographing protest but I did a lot of other kinds of photography too. I travelled to India, Sudan and Zimbabwe for the likes of Christian Aid, I worked for the BBC and Channel 4 as a stills photographer and completed lots of features and portraits for a variety of magazines.

A good photographer knows his subjects

While studying photography in the 1980’s l learned that every good social documentary photographer achieved their best works because they were close to their subject matter.

Eugene Smith, one of the most famous, put his heart and soul into photographing the Minamata chemical leak in Japan. He got beaten up for his efforts by the company that were trying to keep the story silent.

So I stand by rule that if your pictures aren’t good enough you’re not close enough. You need to know your material. All the best work that I’ve done has been due to research, a passion for the subject and time spent on the ground. 

And while no Eugene Smith myself I’ve got close to my subjects to get the story. I’m often sympathetic to them, but not always. But whether I am or not, it’s essential to know them and understand them. When Leo Regan photographed his book Public Enemies about neo-Nazis in the UK it didn’t mean he was a neo-Nazi.

None of my activities have ever taken me into the realms of illegality. For me to feature on the Domestic Extremist Database seems at best absurd and at worst deeply sinister.

It should be of huge concern to everyone that this data is being held on journalists. It is the journalists who get silenced first in a totalitarian regime.

Five other journalists in the same boat

And it’s not just me. Six NUJ journalists (myself included) find ourselves in this position and backed by the NUJ we are taking legal action against the Metropolitan Police Commissioner and the Home Secretary to challenge this ongoing police surveillance.

Amongst other things, our aims are to have the data they hold on us destroyed – and to find out, if possible, where this information is being shared and by what criteria it is gathered.

My colleagues – all of whom have similarly covered protests and have done stories on the police or held corporations to account – have thicker files on them than I do. Jules Mattson, for example, has information on his records delving into the medical history of one of his family members – amongst many other things, and much of it is patently wrong.

I was delighted with the statement by our lawyer Shamik Dutta, from Bhatt Murphy solicitors, that “Journalists who seek to expose corporate and state misconduct are entitled to legal protection which enables them to do their job.”

Shamik also questioned “how it could possibly be reasonable, proportionate or necessary for the police to monitor and retain information about journalists for any purpose, let alone for the purposes of policing ‘domestic extremism’.”

Now: ‘extreme disruption orders’

But the story does not end here. I’m deeply concerned that the Home Secreary, Theresa May, is now proposing a further clampdown on civil liberties by creating a legal mechanism that would further impact so-called ‘domestic extremists’.

Under her proposals, even people whose activities are entirely within the law could be subject to so-called ‘extreme disruption orders’ if they “undertake harmful activities”. The orders would be issued by a High Court judge on an application from the police based on a legal test of ‘balance of probabilities’

The orders could ban individuals from broadcasting or speaking at public events, or from being with other named people, or from being in specified locations, and force them to get police permission to attend any public event, protest or meeting, and before publishing anything – even on social media.

Theresa May says the measures are aimed at those who would “spread, incite or justify hatred against people on grounds of race, religion, sexual orientation or disability” – but this could be a slippery slope.

We already know how police and prosecutors have used anti-terrorism legislation against peaceful protestors – in many cases against people who were not even breaking any law, like the case against Juliet McBride, an anti-nuclear weapons protestor at Aldermarston.

I and my fellow appellants also know how the wrong people can end up being labelled ‘domestic extremists’ – and that’s not just journalists but also people who have done no more than organise environmental meetings.

While no one wants to empower the small minority of people in this country who represent real danger to the peace and security of the realm, the state already has enormous powers and resources at its disposal.

And to judge by its shabby record, the British state is all too ready to abuse its powers by turning them against people in ways that were never envisaged or intended by legislators, including legitimate and peaceful campaigners, protestors, dissidents of various stripes – and the media.

The last thing we should allow is for the state to take on yet greater powers, only for them to turn against us when it suits them, and further restrict the freedom of the media that holds an essential role in any free and democratic nation.

 


 

Adrian Arbib is a freelance journalist and photographer.

Petition: Stop the UK Government from Introducing ‘Extreme Disruption Orders’!

 

 




387136

Journalists doing their job are not ‘domestic extremists’ Updated for 2026





Wander around Thrupp lake, a disused gravel pit near Abingdon and you’ll be mesmerised by the golden hues of autumn leaves, and the tranquility punctuated by the calls of terns, geese and ducks. Look a bit harder and you’ll see egrets, fieldfares, kingfishers and a host of other birds.

The place is swarming with wildlife. Otters have reportedly been seen here, a sure sign of a well established ecosystem. It’s also people friendly, with boarded out walkways, wooden bird hides, and information signs. It’s a beautiful, well cared for place.

But just seven years ago, in 2007, all of this was to be destroyed. The energy company NPower, operator of the now-closed Didcot A coal-fired power station, wanted somewhere to dump their fly ash – half a million tonnes of it.

And since they owned the land at Thrupp lakes – where they and the former CEGB had been filling lake after lake for decades – dumping their coal ash there was, they claimed, their cheapest option.

All the surrounding trees would be cut down, the water drained out and the toxic ash poured in. The site would be capped off and fenced with ‘Danger’ signs, as with other lakes nearby.

A lake too far!

For the locals who regularly walked around Thrupp lake its impending destruction was the last straw. Objections were strong but polite. Why couldn’t NPower use other means of disposal for the fly ash – increasingly sought after for making Portland cement, pour-on screeds, lightweight ‘thermalite’ blocks and other building materials?

And they were up against a surprisingly heavy-handed security operation for what was basically a local protest. NPower’s balaclava-clad security guards – many of them ex-military as I found out later – filmed every movement of the protestors.

My own involvement was as a freelance journalist and photographer and National Union of Journalists (NUJ) member.

One day I received a phone call from a local who told me to get down to the lake as quick as I could as NPower contractors were cutting down trees in an area long used by kingfishers for breeding and feeding – and kingfishers are protected under the EC Habitats Directive, and our own Wildlife & Countryside Act. Destroying their habitat is a criminal offence.

Within minutes of arrival I found the scene and was filming the felling of trees in the very place where, a few weeks earlier, I had photographed the iridescent jewel of a Kingsfisher.

Hit by a legal sledgehammer

Minutes later I could hardly believe my eyes when I saw a team of balaclava’d security guards in hi-vis jackets and two men in pinstripe suits approaching me carrying a pile of papers.

The suits were lawyers who served on me an injunction that NPower had obtained from the High Court the day before, which applied to anyone who even knew of its existence it, no matter who they were or what their business.

The injunction – granted in a secret hearing based on the anonymous and unchallenged evidence of security guards – created a seclusion zone around the lake, and forbade filming or photographing NPower employees and contractors. Breaking the injunction would result in a five year jail sentence.

Fortunately I was already filming while they came up to me, and I showed them my NUJ press card. Although the fact that my video camera was running as the injunction was served on me potentially put me in breach of the injunction.

But NPower’s heavy-handed action achieved precisely what the company, part of Germany’s RWE power giant, did not want: it got the story into the national news.

As Jon Snow observed in his report on Channel 4 News (see video, above), “it is a cautionary tale of how some large corporations are able to suspend some basic human freedoms we thought we enjoyed.” And as the C4 reporter Alex Thompson said, “In effect covering the story of the destruction of the lake is now a criminal offence.”

The injunction was later successfully challenged by the NUJ and the wording altered to allow reporting by the press. The embarrassment also caused to Npower to abandon their plans to fill the lake with ash. Ultimately the lake and surrounding land was handed over to a local wildlife charity, the Earth Trust. It is now a nature reserve and well visited by locals.

‘Hello Mr Arbib, we know all about you … ‘

Years later in 2013 I had been covering a news story near Hastings on the building of the A259 Bexhill bypass, widely derided as a ‘road to nowhere‘. Protestors from the Combe Haven Defenders had set up camps along the route and climbed trees that were due to be felled.

I understood that the tree evictions were imminent so I climbed up a rope to get a good vantage point for photographs from a tree platform.

After a day and a night on the platform I decided to get down. within minutes I was surrounded by security who attempted to pin me to the ground. I explained I was a member of the press. Their team leader said: “OK we know who you are. Escort him off site lads.”

The next day I met him and other members of his team at the perimeter fence. They addressed me by my name though I had never divulged my identity … so how was that?

Domestic extremism?

Last year the NUJ notified their members that for £10 anyone could ask the police for any records that they might hold on the Domestic Extremist register. The incident at Hastings sprung to mind, I applied.

What came back was short but it did hold some interesting observations: “Arbib is a known environmental protester”; “Arbib appears to be a professional photographer with an interest in the environment”.

There was more. An incident was also logged where I had been identified undertaking the highly subversive action of photographing apple orchards close to Heathrow airport for a feature on apples for the Guardian.

However It was the first statement which bothered me. The word ‘known’ had an Orwellian ring to it. It indicated another layer to this that wasn’t being shared. Where was the evidence for ‘known’.

I had photographed a lot of the protests in the 1990’s including road protests at Twyford Down, Newbury, Solsbury Hill and other sites, covering it extensively for the Guardian newspaper and other news outlets. I eventually ended up publishing a book on it.

You could say that I specialised in photographing protest but I did a lot of other kinds of photography too. I travelled to India, Sudan and Zimbabwe for the likes of Christian Aid, I worked for the BBC and Channel 4 as a stills photographer and completed lots of features and portraits for a variety of magazines.

A good photographer knows his subjects

While studying photography in the 1980’s l learned that every good social documentary photographer achieved their best works because they were close to their subject matter.

Eugene Smith, one of the most famous, put his heart and soul into photographing the Minamata chemical leak in Japan. He got beaten up for his efforts by the company that were trying to keep the story silent.

So I stand by rule that if your pictures aren’t good enough you’re not close enough. You need to know your material. All the best work that I’ve done has been due to research, a passion for the subject and time spent on the ground. 

And while no Eugene Smith myself I’ve got close to my subjects to get the story. I’m often sympathetic to them, but not always. But whether I am or not, it’s essential to know them and understand them. When Leo Regan photographed his book Public Enemies about neo-Nazis in the UK it didn’t mean he was a neo-Nazi.

None of my activities have ever taken me into the realms of illegality. For me to feature on the Domestic Extremist Database seems at best absurd and at worst deeply sinister.

It should be of huge concern to everyone that this data is being held on journalists. It is the journalists who get silenced first in a totalitarian regime.

Five other journalists in the same boat

And it’s not just me. Six NUJ journalists (myself included) find ourselves in this position and backed by the NUJ we are taking legal action against the Metropolitan Police Commissioner and the Home Secretary to challenge this ongoing police surveillance.

Amongst other things, our aims are to have the data they hold on us destroyed – and to find out, if possible, where this information is being shared and by what criteria it is gathered.

My colleagues – all of whom have similarly covered protests and have done stories on the police or held corporations to account – have thicker files on them than I do. Jules Mattson, for example, has information on his records delving into the medical history of one of his family members – amongst many other things, and much of it is patently wrong.

I was delighted with the statement by our lawyer Shamik Dutta, from Bhatt Murphy solicitors, that “Journalists who seek to expose corporate and state misconduct are entitled to legal protection which enables them to do their job.”

Shamik also questioned “how it could possibly be reasonable, proportionate or necessary for the police to monitor and retain information about journalists for any purpose, let alone for the purposes of policing ‘domestic extremism’.”

Now: ‘extreme disruption orders’

But the story does not end here. I’m deeply concerned that the Home Secreary, Theresa May, is now proposing a further clampdown on civil liberties by creating a legal mechanism that would further impact so-called ‘domestic extremists’.

Under her proposals, even people whose activities are entirely within the law could be subject to so-called ‘extreme disruption orders’ if they “undertake harmful activities”. The orders would be issued by a High Court judge on an application from the police based on a legal test of ‘balance of probabilities’

The orders could ban individuals from broadcasting or speaking at public events, or from being with other named people, or from being in specified locations, and force them to get police permission to attend any public event, protest or meeting, and before publishing anything – even on social media.

Theresa May says the measures are aimed at those who would “spread, incite or justify hatred against people on grounds of race, religion, sexual orientation or disability” – but this could be a slippery slope.

We already know how police and prosecutors have used anti-terrorism legislation against peaceful protestors – in many cases against people who were not even breaking any law, like the case against Juliet McBride, an anti-nuclear weapons protestor at Aldermarston.

I and my fellow appellants also know how the wrong people can end up being labelled ‘domestic extremists’ – and that’s not just journalists but also people who have done no more than organise environmental meetings.

While no one wants to empower the small minority of people in this country who represent real danger to the peace and security of the realm, the state already has enormous powers and resources at its disposal.

And to judge by its shabby record, the British state is all too ready to abuse its powers by turning them against people in ways that were never envisaged or intended by legislators, including legitimate and peaceful campaigners, protestors, dissidents of various stripes – and the media.

The last thing we should allow is for the state to take on yet greater powers, only for them to turn against us when it suits them, and further restrict the freedom of the media that holds an essential role in any free and democratic nation.

 


 

Adrian Arbib is a freelance journalist and photographer.

Petition: Stop the UK Government from Introducing ‘Extreme Disruption Orders’!

 

 




387136

Journalists doing their job are not ‘domestic extremists’ Updated for 2026





Wander around Thrupp lake, a disused gravel pit near Abingdon and you’ll be mesmerised by the golden hues of autumn leaves, and the tranquility punctuated by the calls of terns, geese and ducks. Look a bit harder and you’ll see egrets, fieldfares, kingfishers and a host of other birds.

The place is swarming with wildlife. Otters have reportedly been seen here, a sure sign of a well established ecosystem. It’s also people friendly, with boarded out walkways, wooden bird hides, and information signs. It’s a beautiful, well cared for place.

But just seven years ago, in 2007, all of this was to be destroyed. The energy company NPower, operator of the now-closed Didcot A coal-fired power station, wanted somewhere to dump their fly ash – half a million tonnes of it.

And since they owned the land at Thrupp lakes – where they and the former CEGB had been filling lake after lake for decades – dumping their coal ash there was, they claimed, their cheapest option.

All the surrounding trees would be cut down, the water drained out and the toxic ash poured in. The site would be capped off and fenced with ‘Danger’ signs, as with other lakes nearby.

A lake too far!

For the locals who regularly walked around Thrupp lake its impending destruction was the last straw. Objections were strong but polite. Why couldn’t NPower use other means of disposal for the fly ash – increasingly sought after for making Portland cement, pour-on screeds, lightweight ‘thermalite’ blocks and other building materials?

And they were up against a surprisingly heavy-handed security operation for what was basically a local protest. NPower’s balaclava-clad security guards – many of them ex-military as I found out later – filmed every movement of the protestors.

My own involvement was as a freelance journalist and photographer and National Union of Journalists (NUJ) member.

One day I received a phone call from a local who told me to get down to the lake as quick as I could as NPower contractors were cutting down trees in an area long used by kingfishers for breeding and feeding – and kingfishers are protected under the EC Habitats Directive, and our own Wildlife & Countryside Act. Destroying their habitat is a criminal offence.

Within minutes of arrival I found the scene and was filming the felling of trees in the very place where, a few weeks earlier, I had photographed the iridescent jewel of a Kingsfisher.

Hit by a legal sledgehammer

Minutes later I could hardly believe my eyes when I saw a team of balaclava’d security guards in hi-vis jackets and two men in pinstripe suits approaching me carrying a pile of papers.

The suits were lawyers who served on me an injunction that NPower had obtained from the High Court the day before, which applied to anyone who even knew of its existence it, no matter who they were or what their business.

The injunction – granted in a secret hearing based on the anonymous and unchallenged evidence of security guards – created a seclusion zone around the lake, and forbade filming or photographing NPower employees and contractors. Breaking the injunction would result in a five year jail sentence.

Fortunately I was already filming while they came up to me, and I showed them my NUJ press card. Although the fact that my video camera was running as the injunction was served on me potentially put me in breach of the injunction.

But NPower’s heavy-handed action achieved precisely what the company, part of Germany’s RWE power giant, did not want: it got the story into the national news.

As Jon Snow observed in his report on Channel 4 News (see video, above), “it is a cautionary tale of how some large corporations are able to suspend some basic human freedoms we thought we enjoyed.” And as the C4 reporter Alex Thompson said, “In effect covering the story of the destruction of the lake is now a criminal offence.”

The injunction was later successfully challenged by the NUJ and the wording altered to allow reporting by the press. The embarrassment also caused to Npower to abandon their plans to fill the lake with ash. Ultimately the lake and surrounding land was handed over to a local wildlife charity, the Earth Trust. It is now a nature reserve and well visited by locals.

‘Hello Mr Arbib, we know all about you … ‘

Years later in 2013 I had been covering a news story near Hastings on the building of the A259 Bexhill bypass, widely derided as a ‘road to nowhere‘. Protestors from the Combe Haven Defenders had set up camps along the route and climbed trees that were due to be felled.

I understood that the tree evictions were imminent so I climbed up a rope to get a good vantage point for photographs from a tree platform.

After a day and a night on the platform I decided to get down. within minutes I was surrounded by security who attempted to pin me to the ground. I explained I was a member of the press. Their team leader said: “OK we know who you are. Escort him off site lads.”

The next day I met him and other members of his team at the perimeter fence. They addressed me by my name though I had never divulged my identity … so how was that?

Domestic extremism?

Last year the NUJ notified their members that for £10 anyone could ask the police for any records that they might hold on the Domestic Extremist register. The incident at Hastings sprung to mind, I applied.

What came back was short but it did hold some interesting observations: “Arbib is a known environmental protester”; “Arbib appears to be a professional photographer with an interest in the environment”.

There was more. An incident was also logged where I had been identified undertaking the highly subversive action of photographing apple orchards close to Heathrow airport for a feature on apples for the Guardian.

However It was the first statement which bothered me. The word ‘known’ had an Orwellian ring to it. It indicated another layer to this that wasn’t being shared. Where was the evidence for ‘known’.

I had photographed a lot of the protests in the 1990’s including road protests at Twyford Down, Newbury, Solsbury Hill and other sites, covering it extensively for the Guardian newspaper and other news outlets. I eventually ended up publishing a book on it.

You could say that I specialised in photographing protest but I did a lot of other kinds of photography too. I travelled to India, Sudan and Zimbabwe for the likes of Christian Aid, I worked for the BBC and Channel 4 as a stills photographer and completed lots of features and portraits for a variety of magazines.

A good photographer knows his subjects

While studying photography in the 1980’s l learned that every good social documentary photographer achieved their best works because they were close to their subject matter.

Eugene Smith, one of the most famous, put his heart and soul into photographing the Minamata chemical leak in Japan. He got beaten up for his efforts by the company that were trying to keep the story silent.

So I stand by rule that if your pictures aren’t good enough you’re not close enough. You need to know your material. All the best work that I’ve done has been due to research, a passion for the subject and time spent on the ground. 

And while no Eugene Smith myself I’ve got close to my subjects to get the story. I’m often sympathetic to them, but not always. But whether I am or not, it’s essential to know them and understand them. When Leo Regan photographed his book Public Enemies about neo-Nazis in the UK it didn’t mean he was a neo-Nazi.

None of my activities have ever taken me into the realms of illegality. For me to feature on the Domestic Extremist Database seems at best absurd and at worst deeply sinister.

It should be of huge concern to everyone that this data is being held on journalists. It is the journalists who get silenced first in a totalitarian regime.

Five other journalists in the same boat

And it’s not just me. Six NUJ journalists (myself included) find ourselves in this position and backed by the NUJ we are taking legal action against the Metropolitan Police Commissioner and the Home Secretary to challenge this ongoing police surveillance.

Amongst other things, our aims are to have the data they hold on us destroyed – and to find out, if possible, where this information is being shared and by what criteria it is gathered.

My colleagues – all of whom have similarly covered protests and have done stories on the police or held corporations to account – have thicker files on them than I do. Jules Mattson, for example, has information on his records delving into the medical history of one of his family members – amongst many other things, and much of it is patently wrong.

I was delighted with the statement by our lawyer Shamik Dutta, from Bhatt Murphy solicitors, that “Journalists who seek to expose corporate and state misconduct are entitled to legal protection which enables them to do their job.”

Shamik also questioned “how it could possibly be reasonable, proportionate or necessary for the police to monitor and retain information about journalists for any purpose, let alone for the purposes of policing ‘domestic extremism’.”

Now: ‘extreme disruption orders’

But the story does not end here. I’m deeply concerned that the Home Secreary, Theresa May, is now proposing a further clampdown on civil liberties by creating a legal mechanism that would further impact so-called ‘domestic extremists’.

Under her proposals, even people whose activities are entirely within the law could be subject to so-called ‘extreme disruption orders’ if they “undertake harmful activities”. The orders would be issued by a High Court judge on an application from the police based on a legal test of ‘balance of probabilities’

The orders could ban individuals from broadcasting or speaking at public events, or from being with other named people, or from being in specified locations, and force them to get police permission to attend any public event, protest or meeting, and before publishing anything – even on social media.

Theresa May says the measures are aimed at those who would “spread, incite or justify hatred against people on grounds of race, religion, sexual orientation or disability” – but this could be a slippery slope.

We already know how police and prosecutors have used anti-terrorism legislation against peaceful protestors – in many cases against people who were not even breaking any law, like the case against Juliet McBride, an anti-nuclear weapons protestor at Aldermarston.

I and my fellow appellants also know how the wrong people can end up being labelled ‘domestic extremists’ – and that’s not just journalists but also people who have done no more than organise environmental meetings.

While no one wants to empower the small minority of people in this country who represent real danger to the peace and security of the realm, the state already has enormous powers and resources at its disposal.

And to judge by its shabby record, the British state is all too ready to abuse its powers by turning them against people in ways that were never envisaged or intended by legislators, including legitimate and peaceful campaigners, protestors, dissidents of various stripes – and the media.

The last thing we should allow is for the state to take on yet greater powers, only for them to turn against us when it suits them, and further restrict the freedom of the media that holds an essential role in any free and democratic nation.

 


 

Adrian Arbib is a freelance journalist and photographer.

Petition: Stop the UK Government from Introducing ‘Extreme Disruption Orders’!

 

 




387136

Journalists doing their job are not ‘domestic extremists’ Updated for 2026





Wander around Thrupp lake, a disused gravel pit near Abingdon and you’ll be mesmerised by the golden hues of autumn leaves, and the tranquility punctuated by the calls of terns, geese and ducks. Look a bit harder and you’ll see egrets, fieldfares, kingfishers and a host of other birds.

The place is swarming with wildlife. Otters have reportedly been seen here, a sure sign of a well established ecosystem. It’s also people friendly, with boarded out walkways, wooden bird hides, and information signs. It’s a beautiful, well cared for place.

But just seven years ago, in 2007, all of this was to be destroyed. The energy company NPower, operator of the now-closed Didcot A coal-fired power station, wanted somewhere to dump their fly ash – half a million tonnes of it.

And since they owned the land at Thrupp lakes – where they and the former CEGB had been filling lake after lake for decades – dumping their coal ash there was, they claimed, their cheapest option.

All the surrounding trees would be cut down, the water drained out and the toxic ash poured in. The site would be capped off and fenced with ‘Danger’ signs, as with other lakes nearby.

A lake too far!

For the locals who regularly walked around Thrupp lake its impending destruction was the last straw. Objections were strong but polite. Why couldn’t NPower use other means of disposal for the fly ash – increasingly sought after for making Portland cement, pour-on screeds, lightweight ‘thermalite’ blocks and other building materials?

And they were up against a surprisingly heavy-handed security operation for what was basically a local protest. NPower’s balaclava-clad security guards – many of them ex-military as I found out later – filmed every movement of the protestors.

My own involvement was as a freelance journalist and photographer and National Union of Journalists (NUJ) member.

One day I received a phone call from a local who told me to get down to the lake as quick as I could as NPower contractors were cutting down trees in an area long used by kingfishers for breeding and feeding – and kingfishers are protected under the EC Habitats Directive, and our own Wildlife & Countryside Act. Destroying their habitat is a criminal offence.

Within minutes of arrival I found the scene and was filming the felling of trees in the very place where, a few weeks earlier, I had photographed the iridescent jewel of a Kingsfisher.

Hit by a legal sledgehammer

Minutes later I could hardly believe my eyes when I saw a team of balaclava’d security guards in hi-vis jackets and two men in pinstripe suits approaching me carrying a pile of papers.

The suits were lawyers who served on me an injunction that NPower had obtained from the High Court the day before, which applied to anyone who even knew of its existence it, no matter who they were or what their business.

The injunction – granted in a secret hearing based on the anonymous and unchallenged evidence of security guards – created a seclusion zone around the lake, and forbade filming or photographing NPower employees and contractors. Breaking the injunction would result in a five year jail sentence.

Fortunately I was already filming while they came up to me, and I showed them my NUJ press card. Although the fact that my video camera was running as the injunction was served on me potentially put me in breach of the injunction.

But NPower’s heavy-handed action achieved precisely what the company, part of Germany’s RWE power giant, did not want: it got the story into the national news.

As Jon Snow observed in his report on Channel 4 News (see video, above), “it is a cautionary tale of how some large corporations are able to suspend some basic human freedoms we thought we enjoyed.” And as the C4 reporter Alex Thompson said, “In effect covering the story of the destruction of the lake is now a criminal offence.”

The injunction was later successfully challenged by the NUJ and the wording altered to allow reporting by the press. The embarrassment also caused to Npower to abandon their plans to fill the lake with ash. Ultimately the lake and surrounding land was handed over to a local wildlife charity, the Earth Trust. It is now a nature reserve and well visited by locals.

‘Hello Mr Arbib, we know all about you … ‘

Years later in 2013 I had been covering a news story near Hastings on the building of the A259 Bexhill bypass, widely derided as a ‘road to nowhere‘. Protestors from the Combe Haven Defenders had set up camps along the route and climbed trees that were due to be felled.

I understood that the tree evictions were imminent so I climbed up a rope to get a good vantage point for photographs from a tree platform.

After a day and a night on the platform I decided to get down. within minutes I was surrounded by security who attempted to pin me to the ground. I explained I was a member of the press. Their team leader said: “OK we know who you are. Escort him off site lads.”

The next day I met him and other members of his team at the perimeter fence. They addressed me by my name though I had never divulged my identity … so how was that?

Domestic extremism?

Last year the NUJ notified their members that for £10 anyone could ask the police for any records that they might hold on the Domestic Extremist register. The incident at Hastings sprung to mind, I applied.

What came back was short but it did hold some interesting observations: “Arbib is a known environmental protester”; “Arbib appears to be a professional photographer with an interest in the environment”.

There was more. An incident was also logged where I had been identified undertaking the highly subversive action of photographing apple orchards close to Heathrow airport for a feature on apples for the Guardian.

However It was the first statement which bothered me. The word ‘known’ had an Orwellian ring to it. It indicated another layer to this that wasn’t being shared. Where was the evidence for ‘known’.

I had photographed a lot of the protests in the 1990’s including road protests at Twyford Down, Newbury, Solsbury Hill and other sites, covering it extensively for the Guardian newspaper and other news outlets. I eventually ended up publishing a book on it.

You could say that I specialised in photographing protest but I did a lot of other kinds of photography too. I travelled to India, Sudan and Zimbabwe for the likes of Christian Aid, I worked for the BBC and Channel 4 as a stills photographer and completed lots of features and portraits for a variety of magazines.

A good photographer knows his subjects

While studying photography in the 1980’s l learned that every good social documentary photographer achieved their best works because they were close to their subject matter.

Eugene Smith, one of the most famous, put his heart and soul into photographing the Minamata chemical leak in Japan. He got beaten up for his efforts by the company that were trying to keep the story silent.

So I stand by rule that if your pictures aren’t good enough you’re not close enough. You need to know your material. All the best work that I’ve done has been due to research, a passion for the subject and time spent on the ground. 

And while no Eugene Smith myself I’ve got close to my subjects to get the story. I’m often sympathetic to them, but not always. But whether I am or not, it’s essential to know them and understand them. When Leo Regan photographed his book Public Enemies about neo-Nazis in the UK it didn’t mean he was a neo-Nazi.

None of my activities have ever taken me into the realms of illegality. For me to feature on the Domestic Extremist Database seems at best absurd and at worst deeply sinister.

It should be of huge concern to everyone that this data is being held on journalists. It is the journalists who get silenced first in a totalitarian regime.

Five other journalists in the same boat

And it’s not just me. Six NUJ journalists (myself included) find ourselves in this position and backed by the NUJ we are taking legal action against the Metropolitan Police Commissioner and the Home Secretary to challenge this ongoing police surveillance.

Amongst other things, our aims are to have the data they hold on us destroyed – and to find out, if possible, where this information is being shared and by what criteria it is gathered.

My colleagues – all of whom have similarly covered protests and have done stories on the police or held corporations to account – have thicker files on them than I do. Jules Mattson, for example, has information on his records delving into the medical history of one of his family members – amongst many other things, and much of it is patently wrong.

I was delighted with the statement by our lawyer Shamik Dutta, from Bhatt Murphy solicitors, that “Journalists who seek to expose corporate and state misconduct are entitled to legal protection which enables them to do their job.”

Shamik also questioned “how it could possibly be reasonable, proportionate or necessary for the police to monitor and retain information about journalists for any purpose, let alone for the purposes of policing ‘domestic extremism’.”

Now: ‘extreme disruption orders’

But the story does not end here. I’m deeply concerned that the Home Secreary, Theresa May, is now proposing a further clampdown on civil liberties by creating a legal mechanism that would further impact so-called ‘domestic extremists’.

Under her proposals, even people whose activities are entirely within the law could be subject to so-called ‘extreme disruption orders’ if they “undertake harmful activities”. The orders would be issued by a High Court judge on an application from the police based on a legal test of ‘balance of probabilities’

The orders could ban individuals from broadcasting or speaking at public events, or from being with other named people, or from being in specified locations, and force them to get police permission to attend any public event, protest or meeting, and before publishing anything – even on social media.

Theresa May says the measures are aimed at those who would “spread, incite or justify hatred against people on grounds of race, religion, sexual orientation or disability” – but this could be a slippery slope.

We already know how police and prosecutors have used anti-terrorism legislation against peaceful protestors – in many cases against people who were not even breaking any law, like the case against Juliet McBride, an anti-nuclear weapons protestor at Aldermarston.

I and my fellow appellants also know how the wrong people can end up being labelled ‘domestic extremists’ – and that’s not just journalists but also people who have done no more than organise environmental meetings.

While no one wants to empower the small minority of people in this country who represent real danger to the peace and security of the realm, the state already has enormous powers and resources at its disposal.

And to judge by its shabby record, the British state is all too ready to abuse its powers by turning them against people in ways that were never envisaged or intended by legislators, including legitimate and peaceful campaigners, protestors, dissidents of various stripes – and the media.

The last thing we should allow is for the state to take on yet greater powers, only for them to turn against us when it suits them, and further restrict the freedom of the media that holds an essential role in any free and democratic nation.

 


 

Adrian Arbib is a freelance journalist and photographer.

Petition: Stop the UK Government from Introducing ‘Extreme Disruption Orders’!

 

 




387136

Journalists doing their job are not ‘domestic extremists’ Updated for 2026





Wander around Thrupp lake, a disused gravel pit near Abingdon and you’ll be mesmerised by the golden hues of autumn leaves, and the tranquility punctuated by the calls of terns, geese and ducks. Look a bit harder and you’ll see egrets, fieldfares, kingfishers and a host of other birds.

The place is swarming with wildlife. Otters have reportedly been seen here, a sure sign of a well established ecosystem. It’s also people friendly, with boarded out walkways, wooden bird hides, and information signs. It’s a beautiful, well cared for place.

But just seven years ago, in 2007, all of this was to be destroyed. The energy company NPower, operator of the now-closed Didcot A coal-fired power station, wanted somewhere to dump their fly ash – half a million tonnes of it.

And since they owned the land at Thrupp lakes – where they and the former CEGB had been filling lake after lake for decades – dumping their coal ash there was, they claimed, their cheapest option.

All the surrounding trees would be cut down, the water drained out and the toxic ash poured in. The site would be capped off and fenced with ‘Danger’ signs, as with other lakes nearby.

A lake too far!

For the locals who regularly walked around Thrupp lake its impending destruction was the last straw. Objections were strong but polite. Why couldn’t NPower use other means of disposal for the fly ash – increasingly sought after for making Portland cement, pour-on screeds, lightweight ‘thermalite’ blocks and other building materials?

And they were up against a surprisingly heavy-handed security operation for what was basically a local protest. NPower’s balaclava-clad security guards – many of them ex-military as I found out later – filmed every movement of the protestors.

My own involvement was as a freelance journalist and photographer and National Union of Journalists (NUJ) member.

One day I received a phone call from a local who told me to get down to the lake as quick as I could as NPower contractors were cutting down trees in an area long used by kingfishers for breeding and feeding – and kingfishers are protected under the EC Habitats Directive, and our own Wildlife & Countryside Act. Destroying their habitat is a criminal offence.

Within minutes of arrival I found the scene and was filming the felling of trees in the very place where, a few weeks earlier, I had photographed the iridescent jewel of a Kingsfisher.

Hit by a legal sledgehammer

Minutes later I could hardly believe my eyes when I saw a team of balaclava’d security guards in hi-vis jackets and two men in pinstripe suits approaching me carrying a pile of papers.

The suits were lawyers who served on me an injunction that NPower had obtained from the High Court the day before, which applied to anyone who even knew of its existence it, no matter who they were or what their business.

The injunction – granted in a secret hearing based on the anonymous and unchallenged evidence of security guards – created a seclusion zone around the lake, and forbade filming or photographing NPower employees and contractors. Breaking the injunction would result in a five year jail sentence.

Fortunately I was already filming while they came up to me, and I showed them my NUJ press card. Although the fact that my video camera was running as the injunction was served on me potentially put me in breach of the injunction.

But NPower’s heavy-handed action achieved precisely what the company, part of Germany’s RWE power giant, did not want: it got the story into the national news.

As Jon Snow observed in his report on Channel 4 News (see video, above), “it is a cautionary tale of how some large corporations are able to suspend some basic human freedoms we thought we enjoyed.” And as the C4 reporter Alex Thompson said, “In effect covering the story of the destruction of the lake is now a criminal offence.”

The injunction was later successfully challenged by the NUJ and the wording altered to allow reporting by the press. The embarrassment also caused to Npower to abandon their plans to fill the lake with ash. Ultimately the lake and surrounding land was handed over to a local wildlife charity, the Earth Trust. It is now a nature reserve and well visited by locals.

‘Hello Mr Arbib, we know all about you … ‘

Years later in 2013 I had been covering a news story near Hastings on the building of the A259 Bexhill bypass, widely derided as a ‘road to nowhere‘. Protestors from the Combe Haven Defenders had set up camps along the route and climbed trees that were due to be felled.

I understood that the tree evictions were imminent so I climbed up a rope to get a good vantage point for photographs from a tree platform.

After a day and a night on the platform I decided to get down. within minutes I was surrounded by security who attempted to pin me to the ground. I explained I was a member of the press. Their team leader said: “OK we know who you are. Escort him off site lads.”

The next day I met him and other members of his team at the perimeter fence. They addressed me by my name though I had never divulged my identity … so how was that?

Domestic extremism?

Last year the NUJ notified their members that for £10 anyone could ask the police for any records that they might hold on the Domestic Extremist register. The incident at Hastings sprung to mind, I applied.

What came back was short but it did hold some interesting observations: “Arbib is a known environmental protester”; “Arbib appears to be a professional photographer with an interest in the environment”.

There was more. An incident was also logged where I had been identified undertaking the highly subversive action of photographing apple orchards close to Heathrow airport for a feature on apples for the Guardian.

However It was the first statement which bothered me. The word ‘known’ had an Orwellian ring to it. It indicated another layer to this that wasn’t being shared. Where was the evidence for ‘known’.

I had photographed a lot of the protests in the 1990’s including road protests at Twyford Down, Newbury, Solsbury Hill and other sites, covering it extensively for the Guardian newspaper and other news outlets. I eventually ended up publishing a book on it.

You could say that I specialised in photographing protest but I did a lot of other kinds of photography too. I travelled to India, Sudan and Zimbabwe for the likes of Christian Aid, I worked for the BBC and Channel 4 as a stills photographer and completed lots of features and portraits for a variety of magazines.

A good photographer knows his subjects

While studying photography in the 1980’s l learned that every good social documentary photographer achieved their best works because they were close to their subject matter.

Eugene Smith, one of the most famous, put his heart and soul into photographing the Minamata chemical leak in Japan. He got beaten up for his efforts by the company that were trying to keep the story silent.

So I stand by rule that if your pictures aren’t good enough you’re not close enough. You need to know your material. All the best work that I’ve done has been due to research, a passion for the subject and time spent on the ground. 

And while no Eugene Smith myself I’ve got close to my subjects to get the story. I’m often sympathetic to them, but not always. But whether I am or not, it’s essential to know them and understand them. When Leo Regan photographed his book Public Enemies about neo-Nazis in the UK it didn’t mean he was a neo-Nazi.

None of my activities have ever taken me into the realms of illegality. For me to feature on the Domestic Extremist Database seems at best absurd and at worst deeply sinister.

It should be of huge concern to everyone that this data is being held on journalists. It is the journalists who get silenced first in a totalitarian regime.

Five other journalists in the same boat

And it’s not just me. Six NUJ journalists (myself included) find ourselves in this position and backed by the NUJ we are taking legal action against the Metropolitan Police Commissioner and the Home Secretary to challenge this ongoing police surveillance.

Amongst other things, our aims are to have the data they hold on us destroyed – and to find out, if possible, where this information is being shared and by what criteria it is gathered.

My colleagues – all of whom have similarly covered protests and have done stories on the police or held corporations to account – have thicker files on them than I do. Jules Mattson, for example, has information on his records delving into the medical history of one of his family members – amongst many other things, and much of it is patently wrong.

I was delighted with the statement by our lawyer Shamik Dutta, from Bhatt Murphy solicitors, that “Journalists who seek to expose corporate and state misconduct are entitled to legal protection which enables them to do their job.”

Shamik also questioned “how it could possibly be reasonable, proportionate or necessary for the police to monitor and retain information about journalists for any purpose, let alone for the purposes of policing ‘domestic extremism’.”

Now: ‘extreme disruption orders’

But the story does not end here. I’m deeply concerned that the Home Secreary, Theresa May, is now proposing a further clampdown on civil liberties by creating a legal mechanism that would further impact so-called ‘domestic extremists’.

Under her proposals, even people whose activities are entirely within the law could be subject to so-called ‘extreme disruption orders’ if they “undertake harmful activities”. The orders would be issued by a High Court judge on an application from the police based on a legal test of ‘balance of probabilities’

The orders could ban individuals from broadcasting or speaking at public events, or from being with other named people, or from being in specified locations, and force them to get police permission to attend any public event, protest or meeting, and before publishing anything – even on social media.

Theresa May says the measures are aimed at those who would “spread, incite or justify hatred against people on grounds of race, religion, sexual orientation or disability” – but this could be a slippery slope.

We already know how police and prosecutors have used anti-terrorism legislation against peaceful protestors – in many cases against people who were not even breaking any law, like the case against Juliet McBride, an anti-nuclear weapons protestor at Aldermarston.

I and my fellow appellants also know how the wrong people can end up being labelled ‘domestic extremists’ – and that’s not just journalists but also people who have done no more than organise environmental meetings.

While no one wants to empower the small minority of people in this country who represent real danger to the peace and security of the realm, the state already has enormous powers and resources at its disposal.

And to judge by its shabby record, the British state is all too ready to abuse its powers by turning them against people in ways that were never envisaged or intended by legislators, including legitimate and peaceful campaigners, protestors, dissidents of various stripes – and the media.

The last thing we should allow is for the state to take on yet greater powers, only for them to turn against us when it suits them, and further restrict the freedom of the media that holds an essential role in any free and democratic nation.

 


 

Adrian Arbib is a freelance journalist and photographer.

Petition: Stop the UK Government from Introducing ‘Extreme Disruption Orders’!

 

 




387136

Journalists doing their job are not ‘domestic extremists’ Updated for 2026





Wander around Thrupp lake, a disused gravel pit near Abingdon and you’ll be mesmerised by the golden hues of autumn leaves, and the tranquility punctuated by the calls of terns, geese and ducks. Look a bit harder and you’ll see egrets, fieldfares, kingfishers and a host of other birds.

The place is swarming with wildlife. Otters have reportedly been seen here, a sure sign of a well established ecosystem. It’s also people friendly, with boarded out walkways, wooden bird hides, and information signs. It’s a beautiful, well cared for place.

But just seven years ago, in 2007, all of this was to be destroyed. The energy company NPower, operator of the now-closed Didcot A coal-fired power station, wanted somewhere to dump their fly ash – half a million tonnes of it.

And since they owned the land at Thrupp lakes – where they and the former CEGB had been filling lake after lake for decades – dumping their coal ash there was, they claimed, their cheapest option.

All the surrounding trees would be cut down, the water drained out and the toxic ash poured in. The site would be capped off and fenced with ‘Danger’ signs, as with other lakes nearby.

A lake too far!

For the locals who regularly walked around Thrupp lake its impending destruction was the last straw. Objections were strong but polite. Why couldn’t NPower use other means of disposal for the fly ash – increasingly sought after for making Portland cement, pour-on screeds, lightweight ‘thermalite’ blocks and other building materials?

And they were up against a surprisingly heavy-handed security operation for what was basically a local protest. NPower’s balaclava-clad security guards – many of them ex-military as I found out later – filmed every movement of the protestors.

My own involvement was as a freelance journalist and photographer and National Union of Journalists (NUJ) member.

One day I received a phone call from a local who told me to get down to the lake as quick as I could as NPower contractors were cutting down trees in an area long used by kingfishers for breeding and feeding – and kingfishers are protected under the EC Habitats Directive, and our own Wildlife & Countryside Act. Destroying their habitat is a criminal offence.

Within minutes of arrival I found the scene and was filming the felling of trees in the very place where, a few weeks earlier, I had photographed the iridescent jewel of a Kingsfisher.

Hit by a legal sledgehammer

Minutes later I could hardly believe my eyes when I saw a team of balaclava’d security guards in hi-vis jackets and two men in pinstripe suits approaching me carrying a pile of papers.

The suits were lawyers who served on me an injunction that NPower had obtained from the High Court the day before, which applied to anyone who even knew of its existence it, no matter who they were or what their business.

The injunction – granted in a secret hearing based on the anonymous and unchallenged evidence of security guards – created a seclusion zone around the lake, and forbade filming or photographing NPower employees and contractors. Breaking the injunction would result in a five year jail sentence.

Fortunately I was already filming while they came up to me, and I showed them my NUJ press card. Although the fact that my video camera was running as the injunction was served on me potentially put me in breach of the injunction.

But NPower’s heavy-handed action achieved precisely what the company, part of Germany’s RWE power giant, did not want: it got the story into the national news.

As Jon Snow observed in his report on Channel 4 News (see video, above), “it is a cautionary tale of how some large corporations are able to suspend some basic human freedoms we thought we enjoyed.” And as the C4 reporter Alex Thompson said, “In effect covering the story of the destruction of the lake is now a criminal offence.”

The injunction was later successfully challenged by the NUJ and the wording altered to allow reporting by the press. The embarrassment also caused to Npower to abandon their plans to fill the lake with ash. Ultimately the lake and surrounding land was handed over to a local wildlife charity, the Earth Trust. It is now a nature reserve and well visited by locals.

‘Hello Mr Arbib, we know all about you … ‘

Years later in 2013 I had been covering a news story near Hastings on the building of the A259 Bexhill bypass, widely derided as a ‘road to nowhere‘. Protestors from the Combe Haven Defenders had set up camps along the route and climbed trees that were due to be felled.

I understood that the tree evictions were imminent so I climbed up a rope to get a good vantage point for photographs from a tree platform.

After a day and a night on the platform I decided to get down. within minutes I was surrounded by security who attempted to pin me to the ground. I explained I was a member of the press. Their team leader said: “OK we know who you are. Escort him off site lads.”

The next day I met him and other members of his team at the perimeter fence. They addressed me by my name though I had never divulged my identity … so how was that?

Domestic extremism?

Last year the NUJ notified their members that for £10 anyone could ask the police for any records that they might hold on the Domestic Extremist register. The incident at Hastings sprung to mind, I applied.

What came back was short but it did hold some interesting observations: “Arbib is a known environmental protester”; “Arbib appears to be a professional photographer with an interest in the environment”.

There was more. An incident was also logged where I had been identified undertaking the highly subversive action of photographing apple orchards close to Heathrow airport for a feature on apples for the Guardian.

However It was the first statement which bothered me. The word ‘known’ had an Orwellian ring to it. It indicated another layer to this that wasn’t being shared. Where was the evidence for ‘known’.

I had photographed a lot of the protests in the 1990’s including road protests at Twyford Down, Newbury, Solsbury Hill and other sites, covering it extensively for the Guardian newspaper and other news outlets. I eventually ended up publishing a book on it.

You could say that I specialised in photographing protest but I did a lot of other kinds of photography too. I travelled to India, Sudan and Zimbabwe for the likes of Christian Aid, I worked for the BBC and Channel 4 as a stills photographer and completed lots of features and portraits for a variety of magazines.

A good photographer knows his subjects

While studying photography in the 1980’s l learned that every good social documentary photographer achieved their best works because they were close to their subject matter.

Eugene Smith, one of the most famous, put his heart and soul into photographing the Minamata chemical leak in Japan. He got beaten up for his efforts by the company that were trying to keep the story silent.

So I stand by rule that if your pictures aren’t good enough you’re not close enough. You need to know your material. All the best work that I’ve done has been due to research, a passion for the subject and time spent on the ground. 

And while no Eugene Smith myself I’ve got close to my subjects to get the story. I’m often sympathetic to them, but not always. But whether I am or not, it’s essential to know them and understand them. When Leo Regan photographed his book Public Enemies about neo-Nazis in the UK it didn’t mean he was a neo-Nazi.

None of my activities have ever taken me into the realms of illegality. For me to feature on the Domestic Extremist Database seems at best absurd and at worst deeply sinister.

It should be of huge concern to everyone that this data is being held on journalists. It is the journalists who get silenced first in a totalitarian regime.

Five other journalists in the same boat

And it’s not just me. Six NUJ journalists (myself included) find ourselves in this position and backed by the NUJ we are taking legal action against the Metropolitan Police Commissioner and the Home Secretary to challenge this ongoing police surveillance.

Amongst other things, our aims are to have the data they hold on us destroyed – and to find out, if possible, where this information is being shared and by what criteria it is gathered.

My colleagues – all of whom have similarly covered protests and have done stories on the police or held corporations to account – have thicker files on them than I do. Jules Mattson, for example, has information on his records delving into the medical history of one of his family members – amongst many other things, and much of it is patently wrong.

I was delighted with the statement by our lawyer Shamik Dutta, from Bhatt Murphy solicitors, that “Journalists who seek to expose corporate and state misconduct are entitled to legal protection which enables them to do their job.”

Shamik also questioned “how it could possibly be reasonable, proportionate or necessary for the police to monitor and retain information about journalists for any purpose, let alone for the purposes of policing ‘domestic extremism’.”

Now: ‘extreme disruption orders’

But the story does not end here. I’m deeply concerned that the Home Secreary, Theresa May, is now proposing a further clampdown on civil liberties by creating a legal mechanism that would further impact so-called ‘domestic extremists’.

Under her proposals, even people whose activities are entirely within the law could be subject to so-called ‘extreme disruption orders’ if they “undertake harmful activities”. The orders would be issued by a High Court judge on an application from the police based on a legal test of ‘balance of probabilities’

The orders could ban individuals from broadcasting or speaking at public events, or from being with other named people, or from being in specified locations, and force them to get police permission to attend any public event, protest or meeting, and before publishing anything – even on social media.

Theresa May says the measures are aimed at those who would “spread, incite or justify hatred against people on grounds of race, religion, sexual orientation or disability” – but this could be a slippery slope.

We already know how police and prosecutors have used anti-terrorism legislation against peaceful protestors – in many cases against people who were not even breaking any law, like the case against Juliet McBride, an anti-nuclear weapons protestor at Aldermarston.

I and my fellow appellants also know how the wrong people can end up being labelled ‘domestic extremists’ – and that’s not just journalists but also people who have done no more than organise environmental meetings.

While no one wants to empower the small minority of people in this country who represent real danger to the peace and security of the realm, the state already has enormous powers and resources at its disposal.

And to judge by its shabby record, the British state is all too ready to abuse its powers by turning them against people in ways that were never envisaged or intended by legislators, including legitimate and peaceful campaigners, protestors, dissidents of various stripes – and the media.

The last thing we should allow is for the state to take on yet greater powers, only for them to turn against us when it suits them, and further restrict the freedom of the media that holds an essential role in any free and democratic nation.

 


 

Adrian Arbib is a freelance journalist and photographer.

Petition: Stop the UK Government from Introducing ‘Extreme Disruption Orders’!

 

 




387136

Journalists doing their job are not ‘domestic extremists’ Updated for 2026





Wander around Thrupp lake, a disused gravel pit near Abingdon and you’ll be mesmerised by the golden hues of autumn leaves, and the tranquility punctuated by the calls of terns, geese and ducks. Look a bit harder and you’ll see egrets, fieldfares, kingfishers and a host of other birds.

The place is swarming with wildlife. Otters have reportedly been seen here, a sure sign of a well established ecosystem. It’s also people friendly, with boarded out walkways, wooden bird hides, and information signs. It’s a beautiful, well cared for place.

But just seven years ago, in 2007, all of this was to be destroyed. The energy company NPower, operator of the now-closed Didcot A coal-fired power station, wanted somewhere to dump their fly ash – half a million tonnes of it.

And since they owned the land at Thrupp lakes – where they and the former CEGB had been filling lake after lake for decades – dumping their coal ash there was, they claimed, their cheapest option.

All the surrounding trees would be cut down, the water drained out and the toxic ash poured in. The site would be capped off and fenced with ‘Danger’ signs, as with other lakes nearby.

A lake too far!

For the locals who regularly walked around Thrupp lake its impending destruction was the last straw. Objections were strong but polite. Why couldn’t NPower use other means of disposal for the fly ash – increasingly sought after for making Portland cement, pour-on screeds, lightweight ‘thermalite’ blocks and other building materials?

And they were up against a surprisingly heavy-handed security operation for what was basically a local protest. NPower’s balaclava-clad security guards – many of them ex-military as I found out later – filmed every movement of the protestors.

My own involvement was as a freelance journalist and photographer and National Union of Journalists (NUJ) member.

One day I received a phone call from a local who told me to get down to the lake as quick as I could as NPower contractors were cutting down trees in an area long used by kingfishers for breeding and feeding – and kingfishers are protected under the EC Habitats Directive, and our own Wildlife & Countryside Act. Destroying their habitat is a criminal offence.

Within minutes of arrival I found the scene and was filming the felling of trees in the very place where, a few weeks earlier, I had photographed the iridescent jewel of a Kingsfisher.

Hit by a legal sledgehammer

Minutes later I could hardly believe my eyes when I saw a team of balaclava’d security guards in hi-vis jackets and two men in pinstripe suits approaching me carrying a pile of papers.

The suits were lawyers who served on me an injunction that NPower had obtained from the High Court the day before, which applied to anyone who even knew of its existence it, no matter who they were or what their business.

The injunction – granted in a secret hearing based on the anonymous and unchallenged evidence of security guards – created a seclusion zone around the lake, and forbade filming or photographing NPower employees and contractors. Breaking the injunction would result in a five year jail sentence.

Fortunately I was already filming while they came up to me, and I showed them my NUJ press card. Although the fact that my video camera was running as the injunction was served on me potentially put me in breach of the injunction.

But NPower’s heavy-handed action achieved precisely what the company, part of Germany’s RWE power giant, did not want: it got the story into the national news.

As Jon Snow observed in his report on Channel 4 News (see video, above), “it is a cautionary tale of how some large corporations are able to suspend some basic human freedoms we thought we enjoyed.” And as the C4 reporter Alex Thompson said, “In effect covering the story of the destruction of the lake is now a criminal offence.”

The injunction was later successfully challenged by the NUJ and the wording altered to allow reporting by the press. The embarrassment also caused to Npower to abandon their plans to fill the lake with ash. Ultimately the lake and surrounding land was handed over to a local wildlife charity, the Earth Trust. It is now a nature reserve and well visited by locals.

‘Hello Mr Arbib, we know all about you … ‘

Years later in 2013 I had been covering a news story near Hastings on the building of the A259 Bexhill bypass, widely derided as a ‘road to nowhere‘. Protestors from the Combe Haven Defenders had set up camps along the route and climbed trees that were due to be felled.

I understood that the tree evictions were imminent so I climbed up a rope to get a good vantage point for photographs from a tree platform.

After a day and a night on the platform I decided to get down. within minutes I was surrounded by security who attempted to pin me to the ground. I explained I was a member of the press. Their team leader said: “OK we know who you are. Escort him off site lads.”

The next day I met him and other members of his team at the perimeter fence. They addressed me by my name though I had never divulged my identity … so how was that?

Domestic extremism?

Last year the NUJ notified their members that for £10 anyone could ask the police for any records that they might hold on the Domestic Extremist register. The incident at Hastings sprung to mind, I applied.

What came back was short but it did hold some interesting observations: “Arbib is a known environmental protester”; “Arbib appears to be a professional photographer with an interest in the environment”.

There was more. An incident was also logged where I had been identified undertaking the highly subversive action of photographing apple orchards close to Heathrow airport for a feature on apples for the Guardian.

However It was the first statement which bothered me. The word ‘known’ had an Orwellian ring to it. It indicated another layer to this that wasn’t being shared. Where was the evidence for ‘known’.

I had photographed a lot of the protests in the 1990’s including road protests at Twyford Down, Newbury, Solsbury Hill and other sites, covering it extensively for the Guardian newspaper and other news outlets. I eventually ended up publishing a book on it.

You could say that I specialised in photographing protest but I did a lot of other kinds of photography too. I travelled to India, Sudan and Zimbabwe for the likes of Christian Aid, I worked for the BBC and Channel 4 as a stills photographer and completed lots of features and portraits for a variety of magazines.

A good photographer knows his subjects

While studying photography in the 1980’s l learned that every good social documentary photographer achieved their best works because they were close to their subject matter.

Eugene Smith, one of the most famous, put his heart and soul into photographing the Minamata chemical leak in Japan. He got beaten up for his efforts by the company that were trying to keep the story silent.

So I stand by rule that if your pictures aren’t good enough you’re not close enough. You need to know your material. All the best work that I’ve done has been due to research, a passion for the subject and time spent on the ground. 

And while no Eugene Smith myself I’ve got close to my subjects to get the story. I’m often sympathetic to them, but not always. But whether I am or not, it’s essential to know them and understand them. When Leo Regan photographed his book Public Enemies about neo-Nazis in the UK it didn’t mean he was a neo-Nazi.

None of my activities have ever taken me into the realms of illegality. For me to feature on the Domestic Extremist Database seems at best absurd and at worst deeply sinister.

It should be of huge concern to everyone that this data is being held on journalists. It is the journalists who get silenced first in a totalitarian regime.

Five other journalists in the same boat

And it’s not just me. Six NUJ journalists (myself included) find ourselves in this position and backed by the NUJ we are taking legal action against the Metropolitan Police Commissioner and the Home Secretary to challenge this ongoing police surveillance.

Amongst other things, our aims are to have the data they hold on us destroyed – and to find out, if possible, where this information is being shared and by what criteria it is gathered.

My colleagues – all of whom have similarly covered protests and have done stories on the police or held corporations to account – have thicker files on them than I do. Jules Mattson, for example, has information on his records delving into the medical history of one of his family members – amongst many other things, and much of it is patently wrong.

I was delighted with the statement by our lawyer Shamik Dutta, from Bhatt Murphy solicitors, that “Journalists who seek to expose corporate and state misconduct are entitled to legal protection which enables them to do their job.”

Shamik also questioned “how it could possibly be reasonable, proportionate or necessary for the police to monitor and retain information about journalists for any purpose, let alone for the purposes of policing ‘domestic extremism’.”

Now: ‘extreme disruption orders’

But the story does not end here. I’m deeply concerned that the Home Secreary, Theresa May, is now proposing a further clampdown on civil liberties by creating a legal mechanism that would further impact so-called ‘domestic extremists’.

Under her proposals, even people whose activities are entirely within the law could be subject to so-called ‘extreme disruption orders’ if they “undertake harmful activities”. The orders would be issued by a High Court judge on an application from the police based on a legal test of ‘balance of probabilities’

The orders could ban individuals from broadcasting or speaking at public events, or from being with other named people, or from being in specified locations, and force them to get police permission to attend any public event, protest or meeting, and before publishing anything – even on social media.

Theresa May says the measures are aimed at those who would “spread, incite or justify hatred against people on grounds of race, religion, sexual orientation or disability” – but this could be a slippery slope.

We already know how police and prosecutors have used anti-terrorism legislation against peaceful protestors – in many cases against people who were not even breaking any law, like the case against Juliet McBride, an anti-nuclear weapons protestor at Aldermarston.

I and my fellow appellants also know how the wrong people can end up being labelled ‘domestic extremists’ – and that’s not just journalists but also people who have done no more than organise environmental meetings.

While no one wants to empower the small minority of people in this country who represent real danger to the peace and security of the realm, the state already has enormous powers and resources at its disposal.

And to judge by its shabby record, the British state is all too ready to abuse its powers by turning them against people in ways that were never envisaged or intended by legislators, including legitimate and peaceful campaigners, protestors, dissidents of various stripes – and the media.

The last thing we should allow is for the state to take on yet greater powers, only for them to turn against us when it suits them, and further restrict the freedom of the media that holds an essential role in any free and democratic nation.

 


 

Adrian Arbib is a freelance journalist and photographer.

Petition: Stop the UK Government from Introducing ‘Extreme Disruption Orders’!

 

 




387136

Journalists doing their job are not ‘domestic extremists’ Updated for 2026





Wander around Thrupp lake, a disused gravel pit near Abingdon and you’ll be mesmerised by the golden hues of autumn leaves, and the tranquility punctuated by the calls of terns, geese and ducks. Look a bit harder and you’ll see egrets, fieldfares, kingfishers and a host of other birds.

The place is swarming with wildlife. Otters have reportedly been seen here, a sure sign of a well established ecosystem. It’s also people friendly, with boarded out walkways, wooden bird hides, and information signs. It’s a beautiful, well cared for place.

But just seven years ago, in 2007, all of this was to be destroyed. The energy company NPower, operator of the now-closed Didcot A coal-fired power station, wanted somewhere to dump their fly ash – half a million tonnes of it.

And since they owned the land at Thrupp lakes – where they and the former CEGB had been filling lake after lake for decades – dumping their coal ash there was, they claimed, their cheapest option.

All the surrounding trees would be cut down, the water drained out and the toxic ash poured in. The site would be capped off and fenced with ‘Danger’ signs, as with other lakes nearby.

A lake too far!

For the locals who regularly walked around Thrupp lake its impending destruction the last straw. Objections were strong but polite. Why couldn’t NPower use other means of disposal for the fly ash – increasingly sought after for making Portland cement, pour-on screeds, lightweight ‘thermalite’ blocks and other building materials.

And they were up against a surprisingly heavy-handed security operation for what was basically a local protest. NPower’s balaclava-clad security guards – many of them ex-military as I found out later – filmed every movement of the protestors.

My own involvement was as a freelance journalist and photographer and National Union of Journalists (NUJ) member.

One day I received a phone call from a local who told me to get down to the lake as quick as I could as NPower contractors were cutting down trees in an area long used by kingfishers for breeding and feeding – and kingfishers are protected under the EC Habitats Directive, and our own Wildlife & Countryside Act. Destroying their habitat is a criminal offence.

Within minutes of arrival I found the scene and was filming the felling of trees in the very place where, a few weeks earlier, I had photographed the iridescent jewel of a Kingsfisher.

Hit by a legal sledgehammer

Minutes later I could hardly believe my eyes when I saw a team of balaclava’d security guards in hi-vis jackets and two men in pinstripe suits approaching me carrying a pile of papers.

The suits were lawyers who served on me a injunction that NPower had obtained from the High Court the day before, which applied to anyone who even knew of its existence it, no matter who they were or what their business.

The injunction – granted in a secret hearing based on the anonymous and unchallenged evidence of security guards – created a seclusion zone around the lake, and forbade filming or photographing NPower employees and contractors. Breaking the injunction would result in a five year jail sentence.

Fortunately I was already filming while they came up to me, and I showed them my NUJ press card. Although the fact that my video camera was running as the injunction was served on me potentially put me in breach of the injunction.

But NPower’s heavy-handed action achieved precisely what the company, part of Germany’s RWE power giant, did not want: it got the story into the national news.

As Jon Snow observed in his report on Channel 4 News (see video, above), “it is a cautionary tale of how some large corporations are able to suspend some basic human freedoms we thought we enjoyed.” And as the C4 reporter Alex Thompson said, “In effect covering the story of the destruction of the lake is now a criminal offence.”

The injunction was later successfully challenged by the NUJ and the wording altered to allow reporting by the press. The embarrassment also caused to Npower to abandon their plans to fill the lake with ash. Ultimately the lake and surrounding land was handed over to a popular local wildlife charity, the Earth Trust. It is now a nature reserve and well visited by locals.

‘Hello Mr Arbib, we know all about you … ‘

Years later in 2013 I had been covering a news story near Hastings on the building of the A259 Bexhill bypass, widely derided as a ‘road to nowhere‘. Protestors from the Combe Haven Defenders had set up camps along the route and climbed trees that were due to be felled.

I understood that the tree evictions were imminent so I climbed up a rope to get a good vantage point for photographs from a tree platform.

After a day and a night on the platform I decided to get down. within minutes I was surrounded by security who attempted to pin me to the ground. I explained I was a member of the press. Their team leader said: “OK we know who you are. Escort him off site lads.”

The next day I met him and other members of his team at the perimeter fence. They addressed me by my name though I had never divulged my identity … so how was that?

Domestic extremism?

Last year the NUJ notified their members that for £10 anyone could ask the police for any records that they might hold on the Domestic Extremist register. The incident at Hastings sprung to mind, I applied.

What came back was short but it did hold some interesting observations: “Arbib is a known environmental protester”; “Arbib appears to be a professional photographer with an interest in he environment”.

There was more. An incident was also logged where I had been identified the highly subversive action of photographing apple orchards close to Heathrow airport for a feature on apples for the Guardian.

However It was the first statement which bothered me. The word ‘known’ had an Orwellian ring to it. It indicated another layer to this that wasn’t being shared. Where was the evidence for ‘known’.

Sure I had covered a lot of the protests in the 1990’s. On the back of this I’d gone on to photograph the road protest movement at Twyford Down, Newbury, Solsbury Hill and other sites, covering it extensively for the Guardian newspaper and other news outlets. I eventually ended up publishing a book on it.

You could say that I specialised in photographing protest but I did a lot of other kinds of photography too. I travelled to India, Sudan and Zimbabwe for the likes of Christian Aid, I worked for the BBC and Channel 4 as a stills photographer and completed lots of features and portraits for a variety of magazines.

A good photographer knows his subjects

While studying photography in the 1980’s l learned that every good social documentary photographer achieved their best works because they were close to their subject matter.

Eugene Smith, one of the most famous, put his heart and soul into photographing the Minamata chemical leak in Japan. He got beaten up for his efforts by the company that were trying to keep the story silent.

So I stand by rule that if your pictures aren’t good enough you’re not close enough. You need to know your material. All the best work that I’ve done has been due to research, a passion for the subject and time spent on the ground. 

And while no Eugene Smith myself I’ve got close to my subjects to get the story. I’m often sympathetic to them, but not always. But whether I am or not, it’s essential to know them and understand them. When Leo Regan photographed his book Public Enemies about neo-Nazis in the UK it didn’t mean he was a neo-Nazi.

None of my activities have ever taken me into the realms of illegality. For me to feature on the Domestic Extremist Database seems at best absurd and at worst deeply sinister.

It should be of huge concern to everyone that this data is being held on journalists. It is the journalists who get silenced first in a totalitarian regime.

Five other journalists in the same boat

And it’s not just me. Six NUJ journalists (myself included) find ourselves in this position and backed by the NUJ we are taking legal action against the Metropolitan Police Commissioner and the Home Secretary to challenge this ongoing police surveillance.

Amongst other things, our aims are to have the data they hold on us destroyed – and to find out, if possible, where this information is being shared and by what criteria it is gathered.

My colleagues – all of whom have similarly covered protests and have done stories on the police or held corporations to account – have thicker files on them than I do. Jules Mattson, for example, has information on his records delving into his medical history of one of his family members amongst many other things, and much of it is patently wrong.

I was delighted with the statement by our lawyer Shamik Dutta, from Bhatt Murphy solicitors, that “Journalists who seek to expose corporate and state misconduct are entitled to legal protection which enables them to do their job.”

Shamik also questioned “how it could possibly be reasonable, proportionate or necessary for the police to monitor and retain information about journalists for any purpose, let alone for the purposes of policing ‘domestic extremism’.”

Now: ‘extreme disruption orders’

But the story does not end here. I’m deeply concerned that the Home Secreary, Theresa May, is now proposing a further clampdown on civil liberties by creating a legal mechanism that would further impact so-called ‘domestic extremists’.

Under her proposals, even people whose activities are entirely within the law could be subject to so-called ‘extreme disruption orders’ if they “undertake harmful activities”. The orders would be issued by a High Court judge on an application from the police based on a legal test of ‘balance of probabilities’

The orders could ban individuals from broadcasting or speaking at public events, or from being with other named people, or from being in specified locations, and force them to get police permission to attend any public event, protest or meeting, and before publishing anything – even on social media.

Theresa May says the measures are aimed at those who would “spread, incite or justify hatred against people on grounds of race, religion, sexual orientation or disability” – but this could be a slippery slope.

We already know how police and prosecutors have used anti-terrorism legislation against peaceful protestors – in many cases against people who were not even breaking any law, like the case against Juliet McBride, an anti-nuclear weapons protestor at Aldermarston.

I and my fellow appellants also know how the wrong people can end up being labelled ‘domestic extremists’ – and that’s not just journalists but also people who have done no more than organise environmental meetings.

While no one wants to empower the small minority of people in this country who represent real danger to the peace and security of the realm, the state already has enormous powers and resources at its disposal.

And to judge by its shabby record, the British state is all too ready to abuse its powers by turning them against people in ways that were never envisaged or intended by legislators, including legitimate and peaceful campaigners, protestors, dissidents of various stripes – and the media.

The last thing we should allow is for the state to take on yet greater powers, only for them to turn against us when it suits them, and further restrict the freedom of the media that holds an essential role in any free and democratic nation.

 


 

Adrian Arbib is a freelance journalist and photographer.

Petition: Stop the UK Government from Introducing ‘Extreme Disruption Orders’!

 

 




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