Tag Archives: european

Austria: ‘we will launch Hinkley C nuclear subsidy legal challenge by April’ Updated for 2026





Austria is to launch a legal challenge against the European Union’s (EU) decision to allow billions of pounds of subsidies for Hinkley Point C, casting fresh doubt over the UK’s first planned nuclear reactors in 20 years.

In October, the EU approved the controversial £17.6bn subsidy deal for the power station, which is expected to provide 7% of the UK’s electricity by 2023.

David Cameron had previously hailed the subsidy deal between the French state-owned EDF and the UK government as “a very big day for our country”. He also described the signing of the Hinkley deal as marking the next generation of nuclear power in Britain, for its ability to meet energy demand and contribute to long-term security of supply.

But the appeal by Austria, a non-nuclear nation, will be launched by April and could delay a final investment decision by the UK government for over two years.

The Guardian understands that Luxembourg is very likely to support the case in the European Court of Justice, arguing that the UK’s loan guarantees – over a 35-year period – constitute illegal state aid. Another EU country may follow suit.

“There has been a high-level decision by our Chancellor and Vice Chancellor to challenge the EU decision on Hinkley within two months of its publication in the EU’s official journal”, said Andreas Molin, the director of Austria’s environment ministry. The journal’s publication is expected in the next fortnight.

Stefan Pehringer, a foreign policy adviser to the Austrian federal chancellory said: “The Austrian government has announced its readiness to appeal against the EC’s [European Commission] decision concerning state aid for the Hinkley Point project, as it does not consider nuclear power to be a sustainable form of technology – neither in environmental nor in economic terms.”

Can Hinkley survive the 2015 election?

Work has already begun at the Hinkley site, which the UK government said will have a capacity of 3.3GW, with the electricity it generates bought at a strike-price of £92.50 per megawatt hour, around double the market rate.

EDF had planned to sign a long-awaited funding agreement with its Chinese investment partners in March, thought to be key to settling procurement plans for the £24.5bn build, and the precursor to a final investment decision.

But the lawsuit may delay such plans, and introduce uncertainty about the UK’s attitude towards Hinkley after elections in May.

The Austrian government’s analysis suggests that European court cases of this nature typically last for one and a half years. But “as this is going to be a more complicated and fundamental case, it will last a little bit longer”, Molin said. “Two years could be a rough guess.”

He added: “If you accept the argument that Hinkley constitutes a ‘market failure’ as put forward by the Commission, you could apply it to all other means of electricity production, probably all other forms of energy conversion, and it might even apply beyond the energy sector. We think that the single energy market itself is at stake in this case.”

The Commission’s hurried and paradoxical decision

The EU’s original decision last year surprised many observers, as the then-competition commissioner Joaquín Almunia had previously expressed scepticism about Hinkley’s’ conformity with an exhaustive list of strict state aid criteria.

These govern proportionality, decarbonisation, the potential for market distortion, the definition of ‘market failures’ and, crucially, whether the public monies advance an “objective of common interest” for the bloc.

No grounds for the Commission’s volte-face have yet been published, but the Guardian has seen a draft of the EU decision from last October, suggesting that one key decider had been advised that Hinkley advanced an EU ‘common interest’ around security of supply.

A Commission investigation declared itself “unsure” whether the reactor would resolve the UK’s security of supply issues, and was unconvinced that ‘diversification’ of supplies, on its own, would justify the monies involved.

“The Commission however accepted that the decision was in line with the Euratom treaty”, the draft ruling says. The Euratom treaty obliges member states to facilitate investments in nuclear power and encourage ventures that lead to the technology’s development.

Molin said that Austria would argue that the Euratom treaty could not be used in this way in state aid cases, but there would be other lines of dispute. “We will try to prove that the commission did not consider all the things which it should have considered and that there were some procedural flaws”, he said.

Minutes from the Commission’s internal discussion of the issue show that the EC’s president at the time, José Manuel Barroso, viewed the Hinkley decision as unprecedented, and said that it “touched on a politically sensitive topic”.

No contract for the Hinkley plant was put out to tender, and the ruling sparked outrage among environmentalists in the EU, that shows no signs of dying down.

“The Commission took a political decision disguised as a legal one”, said Mark Johnston, a senior adviser to the European Policy Centre. “Barroso thought it would be easier to bend over for Cameron than to defend the single energy market. The significance of the case for energy investments across Europe could not be greater.”

A ‘fatal blow’, claim the Greens

Molly Scott Cato, the Green Party MEP for the South West region, which includes Hinkley, said: “I think that this court case is certainly going to delay the signing and also the construction of Hinkley.”

“As one of the government’s main arguments for Hinkley was that it would solve the ‘energy gap’ before renewables could be brought onstream, it is a fatal blow to Hinkley as part of a future energy strategy for the UK.”

Natalie Bennett, the leader of the Green Party, said that such claims now seemed risible. “I think we have seen the final generation of nuclear power, I am very pleased to say. It’s gone, it’s dusted. Lets focus on evidence-based renewables and energy conservation futures.”

But the UKIP MEP and energy spokesman, Roger Helmer, offered strong support for nuclear energy, qualified only by a caveat that the government’s Hinkley deal had been “excessively expensive” because of regulatory uncertainty from Brussels.

“Given that Hinkley is a trailblazer for the new generation of nuclear and now looks like being held up for a long period of time, it will be extremely damaging – not just for nuclear but across the whole spectrum of industry”, he said.

No grounds for such state aid in EU treaties

Dr Dörte Fouquet, a lawyer for the Brussels-based law firm Becker Büttner Held, which specialises in energy and competition law, said Austria’s chances of success were “pretty high” because there were no grounds for giving such state aid under EU treaty law and Austria would question the common European interest in building a nuclear power plant in the UK.

She added that long delays now appeared inevitable: “A court process that kicks off in May would take a minimum of two years and if it goes into appeals, you’d then be looking at another two years. So it could be a minimum of three and a maximum of four years or longer.

But the Department of Energy and Climate Change remained bullish. “The UK is confident that the state aid case for Hinkley Point C is legally robust and we vigorously support the European Commission’s defence of its decision last year”, a  spokesman told the Guardian.

“This brings us one step closer to seeing new nuclear as part of our future low carbon energy mix. We have no reason to believe that Austria, or any other party, is preparing a case which has any merit.”

But DECC did not respond to questions about the effect that a lengthy court case might have on cost over-runs or a final investment decision.

The renewables industry has bridled at what some see as double-standards in EU decisions last year denying state aid to renewable energy in Germany, while allowing it for nuclear in the UK.

“It’s puzzling why the European Commission has decided to have a set of rules for one energy source and entirely different set for another”, said European Wind Energy Association spokesman Oliver Joy.

“If we want a level playing field for all energy forms in the EU then we need common standards that allow all technologies to compete on an equal footing.”

 


 

Arthur Neslen is the Europe environment correspondent at the Guardian. He has previously worked for the BBC, the Economist, Al Jazeera, and EurActiv, where his journalism won environmental awards. He has written two books about Israeli and Palestinian identity.

This article is a synthesis of two articles by Arthur Nelsen originally published on the Guardian: ‘Austria to launch lawsuit over Hinkley Point C nuclear subsidies‘ and ‘UK nuclear ambitions dealt fatal blow by Austrian legal challenge, say Greens‘. It is published on The Ecologist by kind permission via the Guardian Environment Network.

 

 




389354

Austria: ‘we will launch Hinkley C nuclear subsidy legal challenge by April’ Updated for 2026





Austria is to launch a legal challenge against the European Union’s (EU) decision to allow billions of pounds of subsidies for Hinkley Point C, casting fresh doubt over the UK’s first planned nuclear reactors in 20 years.

In October, the EU approved the controversial £17.6bn subsidy deal for the power station, which is expected to provide 7% of the UK’s electricity by 2023.

David Cameron had previously hailed the subsidy deal between the French state-owned EDF and the UK government as “a very big day for our country”. He also described the signing of the Hinkley deal as marking the next generation of nuclear power in Britain, for its ability to meet energy demand and contribute to long-term security of supply.

But the appeal by Austria, a non-nuclear nation, will be launched by April and could delay a final investment decision by the UK government for over two years.

The Guardian understands that Luxembourg is very likely to support the case in the European Court of Justice, arguing that the UK’s loan guarantees – over a 35-year period – constitute illegal state aid. Another EU country may follow suit.

“There has been a high-level decision by our Chancellor and Vice Chancellor to challenge the EU decision on Hinkley within two months of its publication in the EU’s official journal”, said Andreas Molin, the director of Austria’s environment ministry. The journal’s publication is expected in the next fortnight.

Stefan Pehringer, a foreign policy adviser to the Austrian federal chancellory said: “The Austrian government has announced its readiness to appeal against the EC’s [European Commission] decision concerning state aid for the Hinkley Point project, as it does not consider nuclear power to be a sustainable form of technology – neither in environmental nor in economic terms.”

Can Hinkley survive the 2015 election?

Work has already begun at the Hinkley site, which the UK government said will have a capacity of 3.3GW, with the electricity it generates bought at a strike-price of £92.50 per megawatt hour, around double the market rate.

EDF had planned to sign a long-awaited funding agreement with its Chinese investment partners in March, thought to be key to settling procurement plans for the £24.5bn build, and the precursor to a final investment decision.

But the lawsuit may delay such plans, and introduce uncertainty about the UK’s attitude towards Hinkley after elections in May.

The Austrian government’s analysis suggests that European court cases of this nature typically last for one and a half years. But “as this is going to be a more complicated and fundamental case, it will last a little bit longer”, Molin said. “Two years could be a rough guess.”

He added: “If you accept the argument that Hinkley constitutes a ‘market failure’ as put forward by the Commission, you could apply it to all other means of electricity production, probably all other forms of energy conversion, and it might even apply beyond the energy sector. We think that the single energy market itself is at stake in this case.”

The Commission’s hurried and paradoxical decision

The EU’s original decision last year surprised many observers, as the then-competition commissioner Joaquín Almunia had previously expressed scepticism about Hinkley’s’ conformity with an exhaustive list of strict state aid criteria.

These govern proportionality, decarbonisation, the potential for market distortion, the definition of ‘market failures’ and, crucially, whether the public monies advance an “objective of common interest” for the bloc.

No grounds for the Commission’s volte-face have yet been published, but the Guardian has seen a draft of the EU decision from last October, suggesting that one key decider had been advised that Hinkley advanced an EU ‘common interest’ around security of supply.

A Commission investigation declared itself “unsure” whether the reactor would resolve the UK’s security of supply issues, and was unconvinced that ‘diversification’ of supplies, on its own, would justify the monies involved.

“The Commission however accepted that the decision was in line with the Euratom treaty”, the draft ruling says. The Euratom treaty obliges member states to facilitate investments in nuclear power and encourage ventures that lead to the technology’s development.

Molin said that Austria would argue that the Euratom treaty could not be used in this way in state aid cases, but there would be other lines of dispute. “We will try to prove that the commission did not consider all the things which it should have considered and that there were some procedural flaws”, he said.

Minutes from the Commission’s internal discussion of the issue show that the EC’s president at the time, José Manuel Barroso, viewed the Hinkley decision as unprecedented, and said that it “touched on a politically sensitive topic”.

No contract for the Hinkley plant was put out to tender, and the ruling sparked outrage among environmentalists in the EU, that shows no signs of dying down.

“The Commission took a political decision disguised as a legal one”, said Mark Johnston, a senior adviser to the European Policy Centre. “Barroso thought it would be easier to bend over for Cameron than to defend the single energy market. The significance of the case for energy investments across Europe could not be greater.”

A ‘fatal blow’, claim the Greens

Molly Scott Cato, the Green Party MEP for the South West region, which includes Hinkley, said: “I think that this court case is certainly going to delay the signing and also the construction of Hinkley.”

“As one of the government’s main arguments for Hinkley was that it would solve the ‘energy gap’ before renewables could be brought onstream, it is a fatal blow to Hinkley as part of a future energy strategy for the UK.”

Natalie Bennett, the leader of the Green Party, said that such claims now seemed risible. “I think we have seen the final generation of nuclear power, I am very pleased to say. It’s gone, it’s dusted. Lets focus on evidence-based renewables and energy conservation futures.”

But the UKIP MEP and energy spokesman, Roger Helmer, offered strong support for nuclear energy, qualified only by a caveat that the government’s Hinkley deal had been “excessively expensive” because of regulatory uncertainty from Brussels.

“Given that Hinkley is a trailblazer for the new generation of nuclear and now looks like being held up for a long period of time, it will be extremely damaging – not just for nuclear but across the whole spectrum of industry”, he said.

No grounds for such state aid in EU treaties

Dr Dörte Fouquet, a lawyer for the Brussels-based law firm Becker Büttner Held, which specialises in energy and competition law, said Austria’s chances of success were “pretty high” because there were no grounds for giving such state aid under EU treaty law and Austria would question the common European interest in building a nuclear power plant in the UK.

She added that long delays now appeared inevitable: “A court process that kicks off in May would take a minimum of two years and if it goes into appeals, you’d then be looking at another two years. So it could be a minimum of three and a maximum of four years or longer.

But the Department of Energy and Climate Change remained bullish. “The UK is confident that the state aid case for Hinkley Point C is legally robust and we vigorously support the European Commission’s defence of its decision last year”, a  spokesman told the Guardian.

“This brings us one step closer to seeing new nuclear as part of our future low carbon energy mix. We have no reason to believe that Austria, or any other party, is preparing a case which has any merit.”

But DECC did not respond to questions about the effect that a lengthy court case might have on cost over-runs or a final investment decision.

The renewables industry has bridled at what some see as double-standards in EU decisions last year denying state aid to renewable energy in Germany, while allowing it for nuclear in the UK.

“It’s puzzling why the European Commission has decided to have a set of rules for one energy source and entirely different set for another”, said European Wind Energy Association spokesman Oliver Joy.

“If we want a level playing field for all energy forms in the EU then we need common standards that allow all technologies to compete on an equal footing.”

 


 

Arthur Neslen is the Europe environment correspondent at the Guardian. He has previously worked for the BBC, the Economist, Al Jazeera, and EurActiv, where his journalism won environmental awards. He has written two books about Israeli and Palestinian identity.

This article is a synthesis of two articles by Arthur Nelsen originally published on the Guardian: ‘Austria to launch lawsuit over Hinkley Point C nuclear subsidies‘ and ‘UK nuclear ambitions dealt fatal blow by Austrian legal challenge, say Greens‘. It is published on The Ecologist by kind permission via the Guardian Environment Network.

 

 




389354

Austria: ‘we will launch Hinkley C nuclear subsidy legal challenge by April’ Updated for 2026





Austria is to launch a legal challenge against the European Union’s (EU) decision to allow billions of pounds of subsidies for Hinkley Point C, casting fresh doubt over the UK’s first planned nuclear reactors in 20 years.

In October, the EU approved the controversial £17.6bn subsidy deal for the power station, which is expected to provide 7% of the UK’s electricity by 2023.

David Cameron had previously hailed the subsidy deal between the French state-owned EDF and the UK government as “a very big day for our country”. He also described the signing of the Hinkley deal as marking the next generation of nuclear power in Britain, for its ability to meet energy demand and contribute to long-term security of supply.

But the appeal by Austria, a non-nuclear nation, will be launched by April and could delay a final investment decision by the UK government for over two years.

The Guardian understands that Luxembourg is very likely to support the case in the European Court of Justice, arguing that the UK’s loan guarantees – over a 35-year period – constitute illegal state aid. Another EU country may follow suit.

“There has been a high-level decision by our Chancellor and Vice Chancellor to challenge the EU decision on Hinkley within two months of its publication in the EU’s official journal”, said Andreas Molin, the director of Austria’s environment ministry. The journal’s publication is expected in the next fortnight.

Stefan Pehringer, a foreign policy adviser to the Austrian federal chancellory said: “The Austrian government has announced its readiness to appeal against the EC’s [European Commission] decision concerning state aid for the Hinkley Point project, as it does not consider nuclear power to be a sustainable form of technology – neither in environmental nor in economic terms.”

Can Hinkley survive the 2015 election?

Work has already begun at the Hinkley site, which the UK government said will have a capacity of 3.3GW, with the electricity it generates bought at a strike-price of £92.50 per megawatt hour, around double the market rate.

EDF had planned to sign a long-awaited funding agreement with its Chinese investment partners in March, thought to be key to settling procurement plans for the £24.5bn build, and the precursor to a final investment decision.

But the lawsuit may delay such plans, and introduce uncertainty about the UK’s attitude towards Hinkley after elections in May.

The Austrian government’s analysis suggests that European court cases of this nature typically last for one and a half years. But “as this is going to be a more complicated and fundamental case, it will last a little bit longer”, Molin said. “Two years could be a rough guess.”

He added: “If you accept the argument that Hinkley constitutes a ‘market failure’ as put forward by the Commission, you could apply it to all other means of electricity production, probably all other forms of energy conversion, and it might even apply beyond the energy sector. We think that the single energy market itself is at stake in this case.”

The Commission’s hurried and paradoxical decision

The EU’s original decision last year surprised many observers, as the then-competition commissioner Joaquín Almunia had previously expressed scepticism about Hinkley’s’ conformity with an exhaustive list of strict state aid criteria.

These govern proportionality, decarbonisation, the potential for market distortion, the definition of ‘market failures’ and, crucially, whether the public monies advance an “objective of common interest” for the bloc.

No grounds for the Commission’s volte-face have yet been published, but the Guardian has seen a draft of the EU decision from last October, suggesting that one key decider had been advised that Hinkley advanced an EU ‘common interest’ around security of supply.

A Commission investigation declared itself “unsure” whether the reactor would resolve the UK’s security of supply issues, and was unconvinced that ‘diversification’ of supplies, on its own, would justify the monies involved.

“The Commission however accepted that the decision was in line with the Euratom treaty”, the draft ruling says. The Euratom treaty obliges member states to facilitate investments in nuclear power and encourage ventures that lead to the technology’s development.

Molin said that Austria would argue that the Euratom treaty could not be used in this way in state aid cases, but there would be other lines of dispute. “We will try to prove that the commission did not consider all the things which it should have considered and that there were some procedural flaws”, he said.

Minutes from the Commission’s internal discussion of the issue show that the EC’s president at the time, José Manuel Barroso, viewed the Hinkley decision as unprecedented, and said that it “touched on a politically sensitive topic”.

No contract for the Hinkley plant was put out to tender, and the ruling sparked outrage among environmentalists in the EU, that shows no signs of dying down.

“The Commission took a political decision disguised as a legal one”, said Mark Johnston, a senior adviser to the European Policy Centre. “Barroso thought it would be easier to bend over for Cameron than to defend the single energy market. The significance of the case for energy investments across Europe could not be greater.”

A ‘fatal blow’, claim the Greens

Molly Scott Cato, the Green Party MEP for the South West region, which includes Hinkley, said: “I think that this court case is certainly going to delay the signing and also the construction of Hinkley.”

“As one of the government’s main arguments for Hinkley was that it would solve the ‘energy gap’ before renewables could be brought onstream, it is a fatal blow to Hinkley as part of a future energy strategy for the UK.”

Natalie Bennett, the leader of the Green Party, said that such claims now seemed risible. “I think we have seen the final generation of nuclear power, I am very pleased to say. It’s gone, it’s dusted. Lets focus on evidence-based renewables and energy conservation futures.”

But the UKIP MEP and energy spokesman, Roger Helmer, offered strong support for nuclear energy, qualified only by a caveat that the government’s Hinkley deal had been “excessively expensive” because of regulatory uncertainty from Brussels.

“Given that Hinkley is a trailblazer for the new generation of nuclear and now looks like being held up for a long period of time, it will be extremely damaging – not just for nuclear but across the whole spectrum of industry”, he said.

No grounds for such state aid in EU treaties

Dr Dörte Fouquet, a lawyer for the Brussels-based law firm Becker Büttner Held, which specialises in energy and competition law, said Austria’s chances of success were “pretty high” because there were no grounds for giving such state aid under EU treaty law and Austria would question the common European interest in building a nuclear power plant in the UK.

She added that long delays now appeared inevitable: “A court process that kicks off in May would take a minimum of two years and if it goes into appeals, you’d then be looking at another two years. So it could be a minimum of three and a maximum of four years or longer.

But the Department of Energy and Climate Change remained bullish. “The UK is confident that the state aid case for Hinkley Point C is legally robust and we vigorously support the European Commission’s defence of its decision last year”, a  spokesman told the Guardian.

“This brings us one step closer to seeing new nuclear as part of our future low carbon energy mix. We have no reason to believe that Austria, or any other party, is preparing a case which has any merit.”

But DECC did not respond to questions about the effect that a lengthy court case might have on cost over-runs or a final investment decision.

The renewables industry has bridled at what some see as double-standards in EU decisions last year denying state aid to renewable energy in Germany, while allowing it for nuclear in the UK.

“It’s puzzling why the European Commission has decided to have a set of rules for one energy source and entirely different set for another”, said European Wind Energy Association spokesman Oliver Joy.

“If we want a level playing field for all energy forms in the EU then we need common standards that allow all technologies to compete on an equal footing.”

 


 

Arthur Neslen is the Europe environment correspondent at the Guardian. He has previously worked for the BBC, the Economist, Al Jazeera, and EurActiv, where his journalism won environmental awards. He has written two books about Israeli and Palestinian identity.

This article is a synthesis of two articles by Arthur Nelsen originally published on the Guardian: ‘Austria to launch lawsuit over Hinkley Point C nuclear subsidies‘ and ‘UK nuclear ambitions dealt fatal blow by Austrian legal challenge, say Greens‘. It is published on The Ecologist by kind permission via the Guardian Environment Network.

 

 




389354

Austria: ‘we will launch Hinkley C nuclear subsidy legal challenge by April’ Updated for 2026





Austria is to launch a legal challenge against the European Union’s (EU) decision to allow billions of pounds of subsidies for Hinkley Point C, casting fresh doubt over the UK’s first planned nuclear reactors in 20 years.

In October, the EU approved the controversial £17.6bn subsidy deal for the power station, which is expected to provide 7% of the UK’s electricity by 2023.

David Cameron had previously hailed the subsidy deal between the French state-owned EDF and the UK government as “a very big day for our country”. He also described the signing of the Hinkley deal as marking the next generation of nuclear power in Britain, for its ability to meet energy demand and contribute to long-term security of supply.

But the appeal by Austria, a non-nuclear nation, will be launched by April and could delay a final investment decision by the UK government for over two years.

The Guardian understands that Luxembourg is very likely to support the case in the European Court of Justice, arguing that the UK’s loan guarantees – over a 35-year period – constitute illegal state aid. Another EU country may follow suit.

“There has been a high-level decision by our Chancellor and Vice Chancellor to challenge the EU decision on Hinkley within two months of its publication in the EU’s official journal”, said Andreas Molin, the director of Austria’s environment ministry. The journal’s publication is expected in the next fortnight.

Stefan Pehringer, a foreign policy adviser to the Austrian federal chancellory said: “The Austrian government has announced its readiness to appeal against the EC’s [European Commission] decision concerning state aid for the Hinkley Point project, as it does not consider nuclear power to be a sustainable form of technology – neither in environmental nor in economic terms.”

Can Hinkley survive the 2015 election?

Work has already begun at the Hinkley site, which the UK government said will have a capacity of 3.3GW, with the electricity it generates bought at a strike-price of £92.50 per megawatt hour, around double the market rate.

EDF had planned to sign a long-awaited funding agreement with its Chinese investment partners in March, thought to be key to settling procurement plans for the £24.5bn build, and the precursor to a final investment decision.

But the lawsuit may delay such plans, and introduce uncertainty about the UK’s attitude towards Hinkley after elections in May.

The Austrian government’s analysis suggests that European court cases of this nature typically last for one and a half years. But “as this is going to be a more complicated and fundamental case, it will last a little bit longer”, Molin said. “Two years could be a rough guess.”

He added: “If you accept the argument that Hinkley constitutes a ‘market failure’ as put forward by the Commission, you could apply it to all other means of electricity production, probably all other forms of energy conversion, and it might even apply beyond the energy sector. We think that the single energy market itself is at stake in this case.”

The Commission’s hurried and paradoxical decision

The EU’s original decision last year surprised many observers, as the then-competition commissioner Joaquín Almunia had previously expressed scepticism about Hinkley’s’ conformity with an exhaustive list of strict state aid criteria.

These govern proportionality, decarbonisation, the potential for market distortion, the definition of ‘market failures’ and, crucially, whether the public monies advance an “objective of common interest” for the bloc.

No grounds for the Commission’s volte-face have yet been published, but the Guardian has seen a draft of the EU decision from last October, suggesting that one key decider had been advised that Hinkley advanced an EU ‘common interest’ around security of supply.

A Commission investigation declared itself “unsure” whether the reactor would resolve the UK’s security of supply issues, and was unconvinced that ‘diversification’ of supplies, on its own, would justify the monies involved.

“The Commission however accepted that the decision was in line with the Euratom treaty”, the draft ruling says. The Euratom treaty obliges member states to facilitate investments in nuclear power and encourage ventures that lead to the technology’s development.

Molin said that Austria would argue that the Euratom treaty could not be used in this way in state aid cases, but there would be other lines of dispute. “We will try to prove that the commission did not consider all the things which it should have considered and that there were some procedural flaws”, he said.

Minutes from the Commission’s internal discussion of the issue show that the EC’s president at the time, José Manuel Barroso, viewed the Hinkley decision as unprecedented, and said that it “touched on a politically sensitive topic”.

No contract for the Hinkley plant was put out to tender, and the ruling sparked outrage among environmentalists in the EU, that shows no signs of dying down.

“The Commission took a political decision disguised as a legal one”, said Mark Johnston, a senior adviser to the European Policy Centre. “Barroso thought it would be easier to bend over for Cameron than to defend the single energy market. The significance of the case for energy investments across Europe could not be greater.”

A ‘fatal blow’, claim the Greens

Molly Scott Cato, the Green Party MEP for the South West region, which includes Hinkley, said: “I think that this court case is certainly going to delay the signing and also the construction of Hinkley.”

“As one of the government’s main arguments for Hinkley was that it would solve the ‘energy gap’ before renewables could be brought onstream, it is a fatal blow to Hinkley as part of a future energy strategy for the UK.”

Natalie Bennett, the leader of the Green Party, said that such claims now seemed risible. “I think we have seen the final generation of nuclear power, I am very pleased to say. It’s gone, it’s dusted. Lets focus on evidence-based renewables and energy conservation futures.”

But the UKIP MEP and energy spokesman, Roger Helmer, offered strong support for nuclear energy, qualified only by a caveat that the government’s Hinkley deal had been “excessively expensive” because of regulatory uncertainty from Brussels.

“Given that Hinkley is a trailblazer for the new generation of nuclear and now looks like being held up for a long period of time, it will be extremely damaging – not just for nuclear but across the whole spectrum of industry”, he said.

No grounds for such state aid in EU treaties

Dr Dörte Fouquet, a lawyer for the Brussels-based law firm Becker Büttner Held, which specialises in energy and competition law, said Austria’s chances of success were “pretty high” because there were no grounds for giving such state aid under EU treaty law and Austria would question the common European interest in building a nuclear power plant in the UK.

She added that long delays now appeared inevitable: “A court process that kicks off in May would take a minimum of two years and if it goes into appeals, you’d then be looking at another two years. So it could be a minimum of three and a maximum of four years or longer.

But the Department of Energy and Climate Change remained bullish. “The UK is confident that the state aid case for Hinkley Point C is legally robust and we vigorously support the European Commission’s defence of its decision last year”, a  spokesman told the Guardian.

“This brings us one step closer to seeing new nuclear as part of our future low carbon energy mix. We have no reason to believe that Austria, or any other party, is preparing a case which has any merit.”

But DECC did not respond to questions about the effect that a lengthy court case might have on cost over-runs or a final investment decision.

The renewables industry has bridled at what some see as double-standards in EU decisions last year denying state aid to renewable energy in Germany, while allowing it for nuclear in the UK.

“It’s puzzling why the European Commission has decided to have a set of rules for one energy source and entirely different set for another”, said European Wind Energy Association spokesman Oliver Joy.

“If we want a level playing field for all energy forms in the EU then we need common standards that allow all technologies to compete on an equal footing.”

 


 

Arthur Neslen is the Europe environment correspondent at the Guardian. He has previously worked for the BBC, the Economist, Al Jazeera, and EurActiv, where his journalism won environmental awards. He has written two books about Israeli and Palestinian identity.

This article is a synthesis of two articles by Arthur Nelsen originally published on the Guardian: ‘Austria to launch lawsuit over Hinkley Point C nuclear subsidies‘ and ‘UK nuclear ambitions dealt fatal blow by Austrian legal challenge, say Greens‘. It is published on The Ecologist by kind permission via the Guardian Environment Network.

 

 




389354

Austria: ‘we will launch Hinkley C nuclear subsidy legal challenge by April’ Updated for 2026





Austria is to launch a legal challenge against the European Union’s (EU) decision to allow billions of pounds of subsidies for Hinkley Point C, casting fresh doubt over the UK’s first planned nuclear reactors in 20 years.

In October, the EU approved the controversial £17.6bn subsidy deal for the power station, which is expected to provide 7% of the UK’s electricity by 2023.

David Cameron had previously hailed the subsidy deal between the French state-owned EDF and the UK government as “a very big day for our country”. He also described the signing of the Hinkley deal as marking the next generation of nuclear power in Britain, for its ability to meet energy demand and contribute to long-term security of supply.

But the appeal by Austria, a non-nuclear nation, will be launched by April and could delay a final investment decision by the UK government for over two years.

The Guardian understands that Luxembourg is very likely to support the case in the European Court of Justice, arguing that the UK’s loan guarantees – over a 35-year period – constitute illegal state aid. Another EU country may follow suit.

“There has been a high-level decision by our Chancellor and Vice Chancellor to challenge the EU decision on Hinkley within two months of its publication in the EU’s official journal”, said Andreas Molin, the director of Austria’s environment ministry. The journal’s publication is expected in the next fortnight.

Stefan Pehringer, a foreign policy adviser to the Austrian federal chancellory said: “The Austrian government has announced its readiness to appeal against the EC’s [European Commission] decision concerning state aid for the Hinkley Point project, as it does not consider nuclear power to be a sustainable form of technology – neither in environmental nor in economic terms.”

Can Hinkley survive the 2015 election?

Work has already begun at the Hinkley site, which the UK government said will have a capacity of 3.3GW, with the electricity it generates bought at a strike-price of £92.50 per megawatt hour, around double the market rate.

EDF had planned to sign a long-awaited funding agreement with its Chinese investment partners in March, thought to be key to settling procurement plans for the £24.5bn build, and the precursor to a final investment decision.

But the lawsuit may delay such plans, and introduce uncertainty about the UK’s attitude towards Hinkley after elections in May.

The Austrian government’s analysis suggests that European court cases of this nature typically last for one and a half years. But “as this is going to be a more complicated and fundamental case, it will last a little bit longer”, Molin said. “Two years could be a rough guess.”

He added: “If you accept the argument that Hinkley constitutes a ‘market failure’ as put forward by the Commission, you could apply it to all other means of electricity production, probably all other forms of energy conversion, and it might even apply beyond the energy sector. We think that the single energy market itself is at stake in this case.”

The Commission’s hurried and paradoxical decision

The EU’s original decision last year surprised many observers, as the then-competition commissioner Joaquín Almunia had previously expressed scepticism about Hinkley’s’ conformity with an exhaustive list of strict state aid criteria.

These govern proportionality, decarbonisation, the potential for market distortion, the definition of ‘market failures’ and, crucially, whether the public monies advance an “objective of common interest” for the bloc.

No grounds for the Commission’s volte-face have yet been published, but the Guardian has seen a draft of the EU decision from last October, suggesting that one key decider had been advised that Hinkley advanced an EU ‘common interest’ around security of supply.

A Commission investigation declared itself “unsure” whether the reactor would resolve the UK’s security of supply issues, and was unconvinced that ‘diversification’ of supplies, on its own, would justify the monies involved.

“The Commission however accepted that the decision was in line with the Euratom treaty”, the draft ruling says. The Euratom treaty obliges member states to facilitate investments in nuclear power and encourage ventures that lead to the technology’s development.

Molin said that Austria would argue that the Euratom treaty could not be used in this way in state aid cases, but there would be other lines of dispute. “We will try to prove that the commission did not consider all the things which it should have considered and that there were some procedural flaws”, he said.

Minutes from the Commission’s internal discussion of the issue show that the EC’s president at the time, José Manuel Barroso, viewed the Hinkley decision as unprecedented, and said that it “touched on a politically sensitive topic”.

No contract for the Hinkley plant was put out to tender, and the ruling sparked outrage among environmentalists in the EU, that shows no signs of dying down.

“The Commission took a political decision disguised as a legal one”, said Mark Johnston, a senior adviser to the European Policy Centre. “Barroso thought it would be easier to bend over for Cameron than to defend the single energy market. The significance of the case for energy investments across Europe could not be greater.”

A ‘fatal blow’, claim the Greens

Molly Scott Cato, the Green Party MEP for the South West region, which includes Hinkley, said: “I think that this court case is certainly going to delay the signing and also the construction of Hinkley.”

“As one of the government’s main arguments for Hinkley was that it would solve the ‘energy gap’ before renewables could be brought onstream, it is a fatal blow to Hinkley as part of a future energy strategy for the UK.”

Natalie Bennett, the leader of the Green Party, said that such claims now seemed risible. “I think we have seen the final generation of nuclear power, I am very pleased to say. It’s gone, it’s dusted. Lets focus on evidence-based renewables and energy conservation futures.”

But the UKIP MEP and energy spokesman, Roger Helmer, offered strong support for nuclear energy, qualified only by a caveat that the government’s Hinkley deal had been “excessively expensive” because of regulatory uncertainty from Brussels.

“Given that Hinkley is a trailblazer for the new generation of nuclear and now looks like being held up for a long period of time, it will be extremely damaging – not just for nuclear but across the whole spectrum of industry”, he said.

No grounds for such state aid in EU treaties

Dr Dörte Fouquet, a lawyer for the Brussels-based law firm Becker Büttner Held, which specialises in energy and competition law, said Austria’s chances of success were “pretty high” because there were no grounds for giving such state aid under EU treaty law and Austria would question the common European interest in building a nuclear power plant in the UK.

She added that long delays now appeared inevitable: “A court process that kicks off in May would take a minimum of two years and if it goes into appeals, you’d then be looking at another two years. So it could be a minimum of three and a maximum of four years or longer.

But the Department of Energy and Climate Change remained bullish. “The UK is confident that the state aid case for Hinkley Point C is legally robust and we vigorously support the European Commission’s defence of its decision last year”, a  spokesman told the Guardian.

“This brings us one step closer to seeing new nuclear as part of our future low carbon energy mix. We have no reason to believe that Austria, or any other party, is preparing a case which has any merit.”

But DECC did not respond to questions about the effect that a lengthy court case might have on cost over-runs or a final investment decision.

The renewables industry has bridled at what some see as double-standards in EU decisions last year denying state aid to renewable energy in Germany, while allowing it for nuclear in the UK.

“It’s puzzling why the European Commission has decided to have a set of rules for one energy source and entirely different set for another”, said European Wind Energy Association spokesman Oliver Joy.

“If we want a level playing field for all energy forms in the EU then we need common standards that allow all technologies to compete on an equal footing.”

 


 

Arthur Neslen is the Europe environment correspondent at the Guardian. He has previously worked for the BBC, the Economist, Al Jazeera, and EurActiv, where his journalism won environmental awards. He has written two books about Israeli and Palestinian identity.

This article is a synthesis of two articles by Arthur Nelsen originally published on the Guardian: ‘Austria to launch lawsuit over Hinkley Point C nuclear subsidies‘ and ‘UK nuclear ambitions dealt fatal blow by Austrian legal challenge, say Greens‘. It is published on The Ecologist by kind permission via the Guardian Environment Network.

 

 




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Austria: ‘we will launch Hinkley C nuclear subsidy legal challenge by April’ Updated for 2026





Austria is to launch a legal challenge against the European Union’s (EU) decision to allow billions of pounds of subsidies for Hinkley Point C, casting fresh doubt over the UK’s first planned nuclear reactors in 20 years.

In October, the EU approved the controversial £17.6bn subsidy deal for the power station, which is expected to provide 7% of the UK’s electricity by 2023.

David Cameron had previously hailed the subsidy deal between the French state-owned EDF and the UK government as “a very big day for our country”. He also described the signing of the Hinkley deal as marking the next generation of nuclear power in Britain, for its ability to meet energy demand and contribute to long-term security of supply.

But the appeal by Austria, a non-nuclear nation, will be launched by April and could delay a final investment decision by the UK government for over two years.

The Guardian understands that Luxembourg is very likely to support the case in the European Court of Justice, arguing that the UK’s loan guarantees – over a 35-year period – constitute illegal state aid. Another EU country may follow suit.

“There has been a high-level decision by our Chancellor and Vice Chancellor to challenge the EU decision on Hinkley within two months of its publication in the EU’s official journal”, said Andreas Molin, the director of Austria’s environment ministry. The journal’s publication is expected in the next fortnight.

Stefan Pehringer, a foreign policy adviser to the Austrian federal chancellory said: “The Austrian government has announced its readiness to appeal against the EC’s [European Commission] decision concerning state aid for the Hinkley Point project, as it does not consider nuclear power to be a sustainable form of technology – neither in environmental nor in economic terms.”

Can Hinkley survive the 2015 election?

Work has already begun at the Hinkley site, which the UK government said will have a capacity of 3.3GW, with the electricity it generates bought at a strike-price of £92.50 per megawatt hour, around double the market rate.

EDF had planned to sign a long-awaited funding agreement with its Chinese investment partners in March, thought to be key to settling procurement plans for the £24.5bn build, and the precursor to a final investment decision.

But the lawsuit may delay such plans, and introduce uncertainty about the UK’s attitude towards Hinkley after elections in May.

The Austrian government’s analysis suggests that European court cases of this nature typically last for one and a half years. But “as this is going to be a more complicated and fundamental case, it will last a little bit longer”, Molin said. “Two years could be a rough guess.”

He added: “If you accept the argument that Hinkley constitutes a ‘market failure’ as put forward by the Commission, you could apply it to all other means of electricity production, probably all other forms of energy conversion, and it might even apply beyond the energy sector. We think that the single energy market itself is at stake in this case.”

The Commission’s hurried and paradoxical decision

The EU’s original decision last year surprised many observers, as the then-competition commissioner Joaquín Almunia had previously expressed scepticism about Hinkley’s’ conformity with an exhaustive list of strict state aid criteria.

These govern proportionality, decarbonisation, the potential for market distortion, the definition of ‘market failures’ and, crucially, whether the public monies advance an “objective of common interest” for the bloc.

No grounds for the Commission’s volte-face have yet been published, but the Guardian has seen a draft of the EU decision from last October, suggesting that one key decider had been advised that Hinkley advanced an EU ‘common interest’ around security of supply.

A Commission investigation declared itself “unsure” whether the reactor would resolve the UK’s security of supply issues, and was unconvinced that ‘diversification’ of supplies, on its own, would justify the monies involved.

“The Commission however accepted that the decision was in line with the Euratom treaty”, the draft ruling says. The Euratom treaty obliges member states to facilitate investments in nuclear power and encourage ventures that lead to the technology’s development.

Molin said that Austria would argue that the Euratom treaty could not be used in this way in state aid cases, but there would be other lines of dispute. “We will try to prove that the commission did not consider all the things which it should have considered and that there were some procedural flaws”, he said.

Minutes from the Commission’s internal discussion of the issue show that the EC’s president at the time, José Manuel Barroso, viewed the Hinkley decision as unprecedented, and said that it “touched on a politically sensitive topic”.

No contract for the Hinkley plant was put out to tender, and the ruling sparked outrage among environmentalists in the EU, that shows no signs of dying down.

“The Commission took a political decision disguised as a legal one”, said Mark Johnston, a senior adviser to the European Policy Centre. “Barroso thought it would be easier to bend over for Cameron than to defend the single energy market. The significance of the case for energy investments across Europe could not be greater.”

A ‘fatal blow’, claim the Greens

Molly Scott Cato, the Green Party MEP for the South West region, which includes Hinkley, said: “I think that this court case is certainly going to delay the signing and also the construction of Hinkley.”

“As one of the government’s main arguments for Hinkley was that it would solve the ‘energy gap’ before renewables could be brought onstream, it is a fatal blow to Hinkley as part of a future energy strategy for the UK.”

Natalie Bennett, the leader of the Green Party, said that such claims now seemed risible. “I think we have seen the final generation of nuclear power, I am very pleased to say. It’s gone, it’s dusted. Lets focus on evidence-based renewables and energy conservation futures.”

But the UKIP MEP and energy spokesman, Roger Helmer, offered strong support for nuclear energy, qualified only by a caveat that the government’s Hinkley deal had been “excessively expensive” because of regulatory uncertainty from Brussels.

“Given that Hinkley is a trailblazer for the new generation of nuclear and now looks like being held up for a long period of time, it will be extremely damaging – not just for nuclear but across the whole spectrum of industry”, he said.

No grounds for such state aid in EU treaties

Dr Dörte Fouquet, a lawyer for the Brussels-based law firm Becker Büttner Held, which specialises in energy and competition law, said Austria’s chances of success were “pretty high” because there were no grounds for giving such state aid under EU treaty law and Austria would question the common European interest in building a nuclear power plant in the UK.

She added that long delays now appeared inevitable: “A court process that kicks off in May would take a minimum of two years and if it goes into appeals, you’d then be looking at another two years. So it could be a minimum of three and a maximum of four years or longer.

But the Department of Energy and Climate Change remained bullish. “The UK is confident that the state aid case for Hinkley Point C is legally robust and we vigorously support the European Commission’s defence of its decision last year”, a  spokesman told the Guardian.

“This brings us one step closer to seeing new nuclear as part of our future low carbon energy mix. We have no reason to believe that Austria, or any other party, is preparing a case which has any merit.”

But DECC did not respond to questions about the effect that a lengthy court case might have on cost over-runs or a final investment decision.

The renewables industry has bridled at what some see as double-standards in EU decisions last year denying state aid to renewable energy in Germany, while allowing it for nuclear in the UK.

“It’s puzzling why the European Commission has decided to have a set of rules for one energy source and entirely different set for another”, said European Wind Energy Association spokesman Oliver Joy.

“If we want a level playing field for all energy forms in the EU then we need common standards that allow all technologies to compete on an equal footing.”

 


 

Arthur Neslen is the Europe environment correspondent at the Guardian. He has previously worked for the BBC, the Economist, Al Jazeera, and EurActiv, where his journalism won environmental awards. He has written two books about Israeli and Palestinian identity.

This article is a synthesis of two articles by Arthur Nelsen originally published on the Guardian: ‘Austria to launch lawsuit over Hinkley Point C nuclear subsidies‘ and ‘UK nuclear ambitions dealt fatal blow by Austrian legal challenge, say Greens‘. It is published on The Ecologist by kind permission via the Guardian Environment Network.

 

 




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EuroParl votes in new era of GMO farming Updated for 2026





The European Parliament has just passed a law allowing the cultivation of GMO crops by EU member states, by 480 votes to 159, with 58 abstentions.

The proposed law allows individual member states to ban genetically modified crops, but only on very limited grounds that environmentalists fear could be subject to legal challenges.

The law also opens the door to the possibility of more varieties of GM crops being approved in the EU. Currently only one GM crop – a herbicide resistant strain of maize used for animal feed – is grown in Europe, but a further seven GM varieties are in the pipeline and may be approved early this year.

Green UK MEP Keith Taylor said: “This agreement is not all it seems. While giving EU countries new powers to ban GMOs, I believe what this will mean in reality for the UK is more GMOs not fewer. This is because our pro-GM Government are now able to give the go-ahead to more authorisations.”

Wales and Scotland have welcomed the opportunity to confirm their non-GM position, but they may find that the limited terms of any opt-out may in fact force them to allow GM crops to be grown once approved by the European Food Safety Authority, EFSA.

Within the EU, Only Spain, Portugal and the Czech Republic currently permit GM crop cultivation. The current UK government is committed to the introduction of GM crops after “a few years”.

Safeguards stripped out

The European Parliament’s Environment Committee voted last November to impose strong safeguards on GM crop cultivation, as reported on The Ecologist.

However the draft law then went to the ‘Trilogue’ – comprising the European Council, the Commission and representatives from the Parliament – for amendment.

An agreement was struck on 3rd December which stripped out most of the safeguards. While the form of national opt-outs remained, any such opt out would only be allowed under highly restricted circumstances.

Responding at the time, Marco Contiero, Greenpeace EU agriculture policy director said: “Environment ministers say they want to give countries the right to ban GM crop cultivation on their territory, but the text they have agreed does not give governments a legally solid right.

“It ties their hands by not allowing to use evidence of environmental harm to ban GM cultivation. This leaves those countries that want to say ‘no’ to GM crops exposed to legal attacks by the biotech industry.”

The Green French MEP José Bové, also a campaigner against GM crops, added: “in the short term, this change will allow multinationals like Monsanto to challenge national bans at the WTO or, if free trade deals like TTIP are finalised, in arbitration tribunals.”

But – with the exception of the Greens – all the main political groups in the European Parliament united today to back the GMO law.

Regulation devolved to member states

Among the problems in the new law is the absence of strict regulation at the European level. Instead it will be up to member states to impose their own safeguards and regulations.

GM Freeze Director Liz O’Neill explained: “This directive offers no meaningful protection to people who want to make informed choices about what they are eating or to farmers who want to protect their fields from the superweeds and biodiversity loss associated with the kind of GM crops likely to be heading our way.

“There are no EU-wide mandatory measures to prevent contamination within an individual member state and no rules governing liability. That means it’s down to the UK Government to protect our right to grow and eat GM Free.”

GM pollen from crops permitted in one country can easily spread to another neighbouring country. Add to that the largely unrestricted cross border trade in both foodstuffs and seeds, and GM trangenes are likely to spread widely across the EU once permitted in any one country.

Furthermore single market rules that govern EU trade will make it illegal for member states to control imports of GM foods, even if they forbid their cultivation.

Peter Melchett, policy director at the Soil Association said the new law “fails to require countries to ensure that any GM crops grown will not contaminate GM free farms, nor to ensure that the cost of any contamination will fall on the shoulders of the GM companies who own the patented products, not on farmers or food businesses that suffer from pollution.”

UK – a regulatory void?

As far as the UK is concerned. the Conservative manifesto for the 2010 election committed the Government to “develop a legally-binding protocol covering the separation of GM and non-GM material, including clear industry liability” – however this has not taken place.

A letter from farming minister Lord de Mauley recently stated that there was no problem with transgenes from GMO crops: “cross pollination is, again, a normal process between compatible plant species and there is nothing different about GM crops in this respect.”

As reported on The Ecologist, the UK Government is proposing to introduce “pragmatic rules” to govern the separation of GM and non-GM plants and seeds – by implication, given the UK’s supports for GMOs, “pragmatic” for farmers and the GMO industry, rather than for organic farmers or those that wish to remain GM-free.

Peter Melchett commented: “The rights of farmers who do not wish to grow GM crops, particularly in England are therefore under threat by this proposal. Indeed, the entire organic sector, growing rapidly in Europe and which may double by 2020, is in danger – as are the rights of anyone who wants to buy GM free foods.”

Amid the chaos the law will create, at least one thing is cerrtain: that the situation will be exploited ruthlessly by the GM corporations to establish ‘facts on the ground’ and introduce GMOs as widely as possible with a minimum of regulation.

 


 

Oliver Tickell edits The Ecologist.

 




388945

EU Trade Secrets Directive – a threat to health, environment, human rights Updated for 2026





A new draft EU directive currently looked at by the European Parliament wants to protect companies’ ‘trade secrets’.

But it uses definitions so large and exceptions so weak that it could seriously endanger the work of journalists, whistle-blowers, unionists and researchers as well as severely limiting corporate accountability and the transparency of corporate data used for regulation.

We publish a joint statement, below, together with many other groups that calls for the directive to be radically amended.

And end to transparency on health, food, environment

We strongly oppose the hasty push by the European Commission and Council for a new European Union (EU) Directive on Trade Secrets because it contains:

  • An unreasonably broad definition of ‘trade secrets’ that enables almost anything within a company to be deemed as such;
  • Overly-broad protection for companies, which could sue anyone who “unlawfully acquires, uses or discloses” their so-called “trade secrets”; and
  • Inadequate safeguards that will not ensure that EU consumers,  journalists, whistleblowers, researchers and workers have reliable access to important data that is in the public interest.

Contrary to the Commission’s goals, this unbalanced piece of legislation would result in legal uncertainty.

Unless radically amended by the Council and European Parliament, the proposed directive could endanger freedom of expression and information, corporate accountability, information sharing – possibly even innovation – in the EU.

Specifically, we share great concern that under the draft directive companies in the health, environment and food safety fields could refuse compliance with transparency policies even when the public interest is at stake.

Health

Pharmaceutical companies argue that all aspects of clinical development should be considered a trade secret.

Access to biomedical research data by regulatory authorities, researchers, doctors and patients – particularly data on drug efficacy and adverse drug reactions – is critical, however, for protecting patient safety and conducting further research and independent analyses.

This information also prevents scarce public resources from being spent on therapies that are no better than existing treatments, do not work, or do more harm than good. Moreover, disclosure of pharmaceutical research is needed to avoid unethical repetition of clinical trials on people.

The proposed directive should not obstruct recent EU developments to increase sharing and transparency of this data.

Environment

Trade secret protection can be used to refuse the release of information on hazardous products within the chemical industry.

Trade secret protection may, for example, be invoked by companies to hide information on chemicals in plastics, clothing, cleaning products and other items that can cause severe damage to the environment and human health.

They could also use the directive to refuse disclosing information on the dumping of chemicals, including fracking fluids, or releasing toxins into the air.

Food safety

Under EU law, all food products, genetically modified organisms and pesticides are regulated by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA).

Toxicological studies that the EFSA relies on to assess the risks associated with these products are, however, performed by manufacturers themselves.

However one of the EFSA’s most interesting objectives is to make its scientific opinions ‘reproducible’ by others, a key validation criteria in scientific methodology. Scientific scrutiny of the EFSA’s assessments is only possible with complete access to these studies.

Companies argue, though, that this information contains confidential business information and strongly oppose its disclosure. The EFSA has recently launched a Transparency Initiative to improve its credibility, and is considering providing independent scientists with access to this data.

Unfortunately, this objective has been strongly criticised by the manufacturing industries (chemical, pesticide, seed, biotech, and additives), which argue that this toxicological data contain “confidential business information” that “should be protected from all disclosures and misuse at all times”.

These industries openly threatened the EFSA with legal action should the Authority decide to publish this data. The EFSA would probably have a solid legal defense for such action because ensuring food safety serves as a strong justification. But this situation may change if the current directive on trade secrets covers such essential data.

It is essential that the risk assessment work of public bodies is properly monitored by the scientific community. All data that these public bodies use must therefore be exempt from the scope of the directive.

The right to freedom of expression and information could be seriously harmed

Under the proposed directive, whistleblowers can use undisclosed information to reveal misconduct or wrongdoing, but only if “the alleged acquisition, use or disclosure of the trade secret was necessary for such revelation and that the respondent acted in the public interest.”

Unfortunately, though, determining whether disclosure was necessary can often only be evaluated afterwards. In addition, it remains unclear whether many types of information (e.g., plans to terminate numerous employees) qualify as ‘misconduct’ or ‘wrongdoing’.

This creates legal uncertainty for journalists, particularly those who specialise in economic investigations and whistleblowers.

The mobility of EU workers could be undermined

The proposed directive poses a danger of lock-in effects for workers. It could create situations where an employee will avoid jobs in the same field as his / her former employer, rather than risking not being able to use his / her own skills and competences, and being liable for damages.

This inhibits one’s career development, as well as professional and geographical mobility in the labour market.

In addition, despite the Commission’s desire for a ‘magic bullet’ that will keep Europe in the innovation game, closed-door trade secret protection may make it more difficult for the EU to engage in promising open and collaborative forms of research.

In fact, there is a risk that the measures and remedies provided in this directive will undermine legitimate competition – even facilitate anti-competitive behaviour.

Supporters – a litany of corporate power

Unsurprisingly, the text is strongly supported by multinational companies. In fact, industry coalitions in the EU and the US are lobbying, through a unified Trade Secrets Coalition, for the adoption of trade secret protection.

In the EU, a so-called Trade Secrets & Innovation Coalition is pushing for this directive. This coalition is even registered in the EU Transparency register under this name. This coalition includes Alstom, DuPont de Nemours, General Electric, Intel, Michelin, Air Liquide, Nestlé and Safran, who work together with the pharmaceutical and the chemical industries.

In the US, two new bills are pending before Congress: the Trade Secrets Protection Act of 2014 (H.R. 5233) – and Senate Bill: Defend Trade Secrets Act of 2014 (S. 2267).

If passed, these texts would allow trade secret protection to be included in the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – something that will be incredibly difficult to repeal in the future through democratic processes.

The US has made no secret of its explicit wish for strong language on trade secret protection in this agreement. Given that TTIP is expected to set a new global standard, its potential inclusion of trade secret protection is particularly worrisome.

We urge the Council and the European Parliament to radically amend the directive. This includes limiting the definition of what constitutes a trade secret and strengthening safeguards and exceptions to ensure that data in the public interest cannot be protected as trade secrets.

The right to freely use and disseminate information should be the rule, and trade secret protection the exception.

 


 

This statement was originally published by Corporate Observatory Europe. Please check the original joint statement for signatories, contact details, etc. In this version, footnotes have been incorporated into the main text, and additional subheads have been inserted.

 

 




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Leaked: EU Commission plot to ditch waste and air pollution laws Updated for 2026





The European Commission plans to scrap its flagship Circular Economy package and anti-air pollution rules next week.

The executive will ditch the rules from its 2015 work programme, sources told EurActiv. The announcement is expected to be made next week, on Wednesday 17th December following a College of commissioners meeting the previous day.

The Circular Economy package is designed to increase resource efficiency and recycling, and the Clean Air Package imposes rules that set member states’ air quality targets.

Sources told EurActiv that Commissioners were handed a secret document yesterday (10 December) at their weekly meeting.

The document, outlining a list of bills to be killed off by Commission Vice-President Frans Timmermans, was taken back from the Commissioners, after it was read and discussed.

Greg Archer, Transport & Environment’s clean vehicles manager, commented: “President Juncker and vice-president Timmermans think they are playing a clever PR card by axing the Clean Air package in a bid to cut so-called ‘red tape’.

“But the fact is air pollution is the single biggest environmental concern of Europeans and the press has stories week-in week-out about how dirty air is choking our cities and causes 400,000 premature deaths a year.”

Environmental laws ditched, air quality rules weakeed

A leaked version of the work programme, which emerged today, appeared to confirm the environmental laws, and 78 other pieces of pending legislation, would be scrapped. The Air Quality rules would be modified in view of the 2030 Climate and Energy package, the document said.

Timmermans is conducting a screening exercise of pending legislation as part of the Commission’s drive for “better regulation”. He sent a letter to the Commissioners last month, which suggested the rules were under threat.

Commissioners will meet on Tuesday to discuss the programme. An official announcement should follow the next day in the European Parliament. The decision has not yet been finalised and could still change. Any withdrawal will first be discussed with the European Parliament and Council.

EurActiv has obtained a copy of a letter sent by European Parliament President Martin Schulz to Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, dated 9th November. Schulz stressed concerns that environmental and social policy feature adequately in the programme.

Both bills were on a hit list of laws that the influential trade association BusinessEurope sent to the Commission. BusinessEurope wanted the Circular Economy package to be withdrawn and re-tabled as an economic piece of legislation. Laws to reduce air pollution should be withdrawn, they said.

Juncker’s plans run into fierce opposition

Environmental NGOs responding by writing to Juncker and Timmermans, asking the Commission to speed up the implementation of the bills.

Among them was Pieter de Pous, the European Environmental Bureau’s policy director, who complained of the “extremely negative message to European citizens” the Commission was sending out.

“Basically, it no longer cares about improving their health and quality of life, nor will it try to protect the environment. Instead it is guided by short-sighted business interests which are unwilling to develop new and cleaner business models. ‘Better regulation’ is deregulation pure and simple.”

Belgium, Germany, Greece, Spain, France, Italy, Cyprus, Luxembourg, Portugal, Slovenia and Sweden wrote a letter to Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker on 1st December, calling on him to keep the Air Quality and Circular Economy packages.

The European Commission said it could not confirm or deny the legislation would be ditched, as the contents of its work programme had not yet been finalised:

“This Commission is committed to making a difference and to doing things differently. The Work Programme for 2015 will be an opportunity for a fresh start, focusing on what truly matters for citizens – jobs, growth and investment …

“The Commission is also reviewing all pending proposals, in accordance with the principle of political discontinuity and to allow all the institutions to focus their efforts on priorities. The Commission is considering proposing to withdraw proposals which do not match the political priorities or which are out of date.

“In some cases the Commission, whilst fully supporting the objectives behind certain proposals, is considering withdrawing them to replace them with more effective means to achieve them, with a realistic chance of being adopted.

“The Commission is also looking at how to put a renewed effort into implementing what already exists, also making sure it’s fit for purpose and works on the ground.”

Laws and rules at risk

The Circular Economy package was proposed in July 2014. It contained a wide-ranging list of legally binding targets. They include:

  • a 70% recycling target for municipal waste by 2030;
  • an 80% recycling target for packaging, such as glass, paper, metal and plastic by 2030;
  • and a ban on landfilling of all recyclable and biodegradable waste by 2025.

The package also lists a series of “aspirational” goals, which are not legally enforceable:

  • a phase out of landfilling of all recoverable waste by 2030;
  • a 30% reduction of waste by 2025;
  • and a 30% fall in marine litter by 2020.

The Air Quality package revises rules first set in 1999. The 2013 proposal revises targets set in 1999, toughening then and increasing its scope to cover some new pollutants.

It fixes emissions ceilings at national level, for nitrogen dioxide for example, obliging member states to hit air quality targets. Supporters say it is the only way to reduce cross-border pollution in the EU. Sectors such as vehicle and fuel legislation, shipping regulations and UN agreements are covered by the draft law.

Green MEPS were also appalled at Junckers’ proposal. “Allowing air pollution to go unchecked would mean sentencing children and adults to poor respiratory health and earlier death”, said Keith Taylor, Green MEP for South East England.

“I call on European Commission President Jean Claude-Juncker to keep this crucial piece of legislation in order to protect the health of our 507 million European Citizens.”

Better environment protection benefits us all!

Angelo Caserta, director of Birdlife Europe and current chair of the ‘Green 10’ group of leading environmental NGOs in Europe, said:

“We are deeply concerned that environmental protection and sustainability is not only going to be absent in the Commission’s Workplan for 2015 but that Vice-President Timmermans is even planning to withdraw two recently proposed pieces of legislation that would bring major benefits for citizens’ health, the environment as well as for Europe’s economy – the air package and circular economy package.

“By withdrawing the air quality proposal, the European Commission would miss the opportunity to prevent as many as 58,000 premature deaths per year that result from air pollution, when the current toll is 400,000 premature deaths per year.

We would also miss a huge economic benefit to the European economy as the air quality directive would deliver health benefits of €40-140 billion in avoided external costs and provide about €3 billion in direct benefits due to higher productivity of the workforce, lower healthcare costs, higher crop yields and less damage to buildings.

“Withdrawing the circular economy package would also go against the number one priority of the European Commission. Europe would fail to create as many as 180,000 new jobs through turning waste into a resource while making business more competitive and reducing demand for and dependency from costly scarce resources from outside the continent.”

 


 

This article was originally published by EurActiv.

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TTIP – Juncker’s 1.1 million signature ‘birthday card’ Updated for 2026





On 15th July the European Commission refused to accept a European Citizens Initiative (ECI) to end talks over the the TTIP and CETA, contentious trade and investment initiatives with the US and Canada.

The petition, organised by Stop TTIP, was signed by over a million citizens and passed all the Commission’s criteria for a valid ECI – except one.

The Commission didn’t like having ‘little people’ telling them what to do, specially on a project so dear to their hearts as stripping back social, environmental and health safeguards across Europe and letting US corporations rip.

So they made up a flimsy package of legal obfuscation to justify rejecting it, which they formally did on 11th September – claiming that an ECI may be formulated only positively, working towards the enactment of a legal act, not towards preventing an enactment.

Happy Birthday Mr Juncker!

But today – on Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker’s 60th birthday – Stop TTIP was back with a second million signature petition described as a ‘self-organised ECI’, handed to him by Stop TTIP representatives in Brussels.

John Hilary, a member of Stop TTIP’s Citizens’ Committee commented: “Stop TTIP has collected more than a million signatures in record time.

“This is especially embarrassing for the European Commission as it has tried repeatedly to block any citizens’ involvement in the way these treaties are being negotiated and what the outcome should be. Jean Claude Juncker should listen to the growing opposition and stop both treaties immediately.

“Politicians are always calling for citizens to get actively involved in European politics, and here are more than a million people who have done just that.

“On his 60th birthday, Juncker should blow out the candles on these massively unpopular and undemocratic trade deals that are opposed by people across Europe. One million signatures is just the beginning. We will continue our protest until TTIP and CETA are history.”

And don’t forget the lawsuit

In fact the required million signatures had all been collected by last Wednesday at 11.37pm – in a record time of less than two months. So by the time it was handed over today it had gathered a further 101,000 signatures!

In the process of mobilising all the signings Stop TTIP has grown into a fast-growing coalition of more than 320 civil society organisations, trade unions and consumer watchdogs from 24 EU Member States.

It has also launched a formal complaint to the European Court of Justice, pointing out that the European Citizens’ Initiative (regulation 211/2011) gives citizens the right “to participate by means of a European Citizens’ Initiative in the democratic life of the Union”.

“There is not a syllable which indicates that only constructive, i.e. positively formulated, ECIs are to be possible”, says Stop TTIP. “The instrument of an ECI is intended to enable lively participation at EU level by citizens – it is available to the citizens as a motive force or as a brake.”

The massive support for the campaign reflects the underlying agenda of TTIP and CETA, which is  would give unprecedented power to international corporations and thus threaten to overrule democracy, the rule of law as well as environmental and consumer protection.

In particular, the treaties would allow governments to be sued by corporations before private arbitration boards if their laws or policies damage the company’s profits.

We cannot let them get away with it!

With its decision on the ‘Stop TTIP’ ECI, the Commission is indicating how it envisions citizen participation at the European level: purely as an arrangement for applauding decisions which have already been made.

“In forward-looking questions, this means the following for its citizens: we have to stay outside”, says Stop TTIP. “We cannot just acquiesce to this. So the action before the European Court of Justice is about more than the registration of the Stop TTIP ECI.”

“The Commission is attempting to create a precedent in order to prevent further Citizens’ Initiatives relating to international contracts, and to give the EU institutions almost total negotiating freedom. That is a free ticket to the dismantling of democracy.”

 


Support TTIP with funds for its campaign and lawsuit.

 




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