Tag Archives: need

The Greens need coherent policies on population and immigration Updated for 2026





Those famous electoral TV debates are getting closer – and it’s intriguing to imagine the dialogue between UKIP leader Nigel Farage and the Green leader Natalie Bennett.

One big area of disagreement is of course immigration, and the Greens’ immigration policy is, in their own words “liberal” – which in practice means absolutely no constraint or restriction on who enters the or stays in the UK.

Specifically, the Green Party “will progressively reduce UK immigration controls” and give non-Europeans the same free-movement rights as Europeans. That is, everyone is free to move in.

In my opinion, Bennett will struggle to defend this policy in debate with the populist Mr Farage, given the large scale immigration it would be certain to provoke if implemented any time soon. Even committed Greens will find it unrealistic – except as a very long term aspiration.

More cynically – has the Green Party given any thought to what the electoral consequences will be when their open door policy becomes widely known? As Mr Farage will surely make sure it does?

People look to the Greens for the promise of a long-term sustainable future for their descendants and the UK, as well as the Earth itself. So a policy that appears to actively negate that aspiration – by encouraging overpopulation and cultural instability – must undermine the party’s credibility in many voters’ eyes.

The population question

As a green (Oxford Ecology Movement) candidate in the 1979 general election I can quote our policy at the time: “The national aim is a replacement birth-rate in the short term, followed by a gradual reduction over the next 1 or 2 centuries to 20-30 million in Britain, achieved through education and popular consent.”

The Green population policy today is less specific, worthy but lacking in substance –  focussed more on global than UK issues, which enables the more political and controversial issue of the UK population (and the link to immigration) to be fudged.

The main thrust appears to be that we’ll need to look at population at some undefined future date (PP101, 103), but in the meantime we can have as many children as we like (PP106) and let everyone in who wants to come (PP111), provided we keep half an eye on “economic and environmental pressures”.

It is all very vague and woolly, and while it implies the need for an eventual limit, there is no thinking about what a sustainable population for the UK might be, thus also no means to achieve it, even if lip-service is paid to population being a proper subject of public debate (PP107).

There is a medium-term aim (PP120) “to promote debate on sustainable population levels for the UK ­ … to increase awareness of the issues not to set specific population targets.” But to discuss a sustainable population for the UK without having any idea of what you are aiming at seems, for a Green policy, worse than pointless.

Surely the essence of the green approach to life and humanity is long-term sustainability? So difficult issues like actual numbers and how to achieve them need to be openly and clearly discussed.

The emphasis is however on world population limits. Indeed some local Greens have suggested to me that as long as the total world population is stabilised, it doesn’t matter how people are distributed. So it’s OK for lots of people to flood into nice rich UK as this will result in fewer poor people somewhere else.

So apparently we should ignore our own interests in order to altruistically solve those of others currently less fortunate. It’s a noble wish, but surely each country needs to have policies that at least safeguard their own viability?

The debate must be allowed to take place

Fortunately the Green population debate is far from over. In recent posts on The Ecologist, Biff Vernon has argued for a population policy by stealth focussed on women’s status and health in poor countries, while Simon Ross from Population Matters argued that evading the core issue is dishonest and that in any case we have issues here in the UK.

Rupert Read, the Green prosective candidate for Cambridge, has also thrown his hat in the ring, in an Ecologist article that outright opposes mass immigration: We Greens need to be absolutely and resolutely pro-immigrant – while turning against large-scale immigration.

The Ecologist‘s founding editor Edward Goldsmith would probably have sided with Read and Ross. As he wrote in 1989 in ‘The population explosion‘, “A growing population is not intolerable per se but because of the increasing impact it must have on the natural environment. This impact is greatly magnified by the increase in material consumption made possible by economic development.”

But not only does the Green Party today have no coherent population policy, there is a campaign within the party to denigrate and censor the one UK organisation that does, Population Matters.

Already banned from advertising in Green World, the activist promoting this exclusion, Adam Ramsay, has also recently persuaded my local party in Oxfordshire to prevent Population Matters from having a stall at our annual Green Fair, a popular fund-raising event held in December, with stalls from all manner of ethical-ish small traders, wildlife/animal welfare groups, and various right-on campaigning groups.

Ramsay’s views are online on two blogposts on Green European Journal and Bright Green Scotland with vigorous counter-argument and comments under each, taken up also by Derek Wall on Another Green World.

Ramsay’s arguments at the Oxford meeting were emotive – he invoked supposed population bogeyman Thomas Malthus (see Wikipedia for a balanced view), the 19th century Irish potato famine, a Swiss population group using the term ‘lebensraum‘ (‘living space, biosphere’, but used by Nazis and therefore bad).

And all that before he finally got round to two of Population Matters’ policies that are said to clash with what is acceptable to the Green Party: means-tested benefit on 3+ children and “no net immigration”.

Natural partners, not enemies

Apart from the two policies just mentioned, Population Matters’ aims closely match those of the Green Party – resources, pollution, energy usage etc – so why not try to work together?

In their 2015 manifesto Population Matters specifically state that they don’t want to increase poverty, hence their 3-child policy is flexible, and “no net immigration” isn’t a ban on immigrants as opponents like to make out, but an attempt to limit immigration to the numbers leaving, currently over 300,000 annually!

Thus there is plenty of room to ‘agree to differ’ on these themes, and in any case, as already discussed, I would suggest the Green Party needs to take a long hard look at their own shortcomings in this area. Most particularly there is no defensible case for the censorship and bans that these campaigners are so keen to enforce.

The Oxfordshire party has 700 members, but the decision was taken at a business meeting attended by about 25 people, with 12 voting for the ban, 5 against and several abstentions. Should important decisions affecting potential allies be taken so cavalierly ?

Both immigration and population are widely misunderstood. Immigration, or rather calls for it to be curtailed, is all too often seen in a racial or racist context. Clearly that motivates some, but we should not all be tarred with that brush – from a sustainability perspective, it makes no difference whatever what colour, race or religion extra people are.

They are, simply, people – and with our 413 people per square kilometre, England has recently overtaken The Netherlands as the most densely populated country in Europe – excluding city states. Wales, Northern Ireland and especially Scotland are less heavily settled.

For a long-term future any country needs to be fundamentally self-sufficient in food – we shouldn’t have to rely on imports, as in the long run there may not be surpluses available to buy – though exchanges are of course acceptable. Oats for bananas, anyone?

At present UK population levels this would only be possible if a lot more grain went into people’s mouths rather than meat animals, or a lot more land was (re)converted to high-intensity arable, itself unsustainable long-term. Also we have a responsibility to the planet’s other life, so we need wild space for both that life and for our own wellbeing.

Hence ever-increasing overcrowding is not desirable. I have heard local Greens pointing out that as there are some places more densely settled than England, then we can take more people. But that begs the question – why should we? do we want to? what good will it do us?

We can’t just wait for the global ‘demographic transition’

I’m not for a moment suggesting that population should elbow out the other major issues facing us all – ecosystem destruction, per capita consumption and related CO2 emissions and other pollution being obviously among the most serious, with their additive impacts on global warming and climate change.

However tackling the consumption / pollution aspects without including the population factor smacks of wilful blindness to the facts. The ‘demographic transition’, whereby increasing affluence reduces birth rates, has no doubt delayed the crunch point, but more importantly has lulled people into a false sense that population will somehow solve itself if we can sort out poverty across the planet.

Goldsmith was in fact trenchant on that point: “To seek to reduce population by systematically encouraging economic development is thus self-defeating since it can only increase natural consumption and thus environmental destructiveness.”

And it shouldn’t be forgotten that most of the last century’s massive world population growth arose from medical advances reducing infant and other death rates, not from increasing birth rates. It therefore makes sense to actively encourage a balancing reduction in birth rate, something that is a cultural block in many places.

Some cultures have responded quite rapidly with a demographic transition, but others, Egypt for example, have failed to do so, producing populations dramatically unbalanced with disproportionate numbers of young people and numerous negative knock-on effects from that including unemployment and wider disaffection.

In some developed countries like Japan and Italy where birth-rates have dropped, there is panic in conventional economics about the opposite problem: a preponderance of the elderly, seen as dependent on the workforce.

Hence there is a tendency to promote pro-natalist policies, or increased immigration, to offset the numbers of pensioners. In practice this is what has been happening in the UK, as millions of immigrants have flowed in over recent decades, many from Asia or Africa bringing in addition a tendency to higher birth-rates.

Having your cake and eating it

The Green Party rightly opposes “economic order that supposes the need for an ever-growing younger population to support the retired” (PP114) yet supports unrestricted immigration and “that the number of children people have should be a matter of free choice” (PP106).

But this is having your cake and eating it. There is ample evidence that increasing population exacerbates the already severe human impacts on the environment and the planet’s carrying capacity. Indeed as Jonathan Porritt points out,

“we are already using 50% more resources than the Earth can sustainably provide, and unless we change course very fast indeed, even two planet Earths will not be enough to meet our burgeoning economic demands (on a business-as-usual basis) by 2030.”

Addressing consumption alone is only taking half-measures, and won’t stop the crunch. There are limits to growth, both economically and in population – why are we still ignoring these when the basic issues were thrashed out ad nauseam in the 1970s, not least by Goldsmith.

We don’t know exactly where these limits are, and finding out should be a priority, but with ‘known unknowns’ it is advisable to follow the precautionary principle, particularly when its the one and only home planet that is at issue!

And the Green Party should not be afraid to say so!

 


 

Anthony Cheke is a retired sometime professional ecologist and later bookseller. Author of ‘Lost Land of the Dodo, an ecological history of Mauritius, Réunion & Rodrigues’. Green parliamentary candidate in the old Oxford constituency as a co-founder in 1979 of the Oxford Ecology Movement, formed to contest that year’s general election largely as a consciousness raising exercise (and then deliberately disbanded). We were to the left of the then Ecology Party and developed the ‘citizen’s income’ later adopted by the Green Party, and stressed the importance of reducing inequality – going further than the recent book ‘The Spirit Level’ by recommending a range of roughly 3:1 for highest to lowest disposable incomes.

 




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Rallying for wildlife – we need a Nature and Wellbeing Act Updated for 2026





400 people who love and care about wildlife are (with a squirrel called Bob) taking part in a rally in London today.

They will come from all parts of England and will visit the House of Commons to urge their MP to include strong commitments to nature in their 2015 election manifestos.

The event is being organised by the RSPB, The Wildlife Trusts, the League Against Cruel Sports (90 years old this year – happy birthday!), and my predecessor, Dr Mark Avery. It is also supported by Butterfly Conservation, the Mammal Society and the Ramblers.

I’m looking forward to it. I expect it’s going to be cold, but I am sure that won’t stop folk using their voice for nature. The call for action is compelling …

The declining state of Britain’s nature

Last week’s Defra biodiversity indicators report showed that nearly two-thirds of England’s finest wildlife sites are not in favourable condition. There has been a decline in the area of these sites in favourable condition from 44% in 2003 to 37.5% in April 2014.

The trend since 2010 does not look too rosy and the Government’s target of reaching 50% in favourable condition by 2020 looks a long way off.

The State of Nature report, published in 2013, showed that 60% of species (for which we have trend data) have declined in my lifetime and one in ten UK species is at risk of extinction. And if the dramatic cuts in public spending heralded by the Chancellor’s announcements last week fall in the wrong place it could be at the cost of nature. 

Unless the value of nature is fully accounted in decision-making, we fear the situation will become even worse. The prominence of housing and infrastructure development in the Chancellor’s autumn statement risks casting a long shadow over the future of many of our finest wildlife sites.

These include Lodge Hill (here) in Kent, where housing threatens to destroy the only protected site for nightingales in the UK.

Politicians must take our ecological deficit seriously

The threats are real and challenging: habitat destruction, over-exploitation, pollution (especially climate change) and the invasive non-native species. These are being driven by a growing population, consuming more and a failure of the economic system to capture the value of nature in decision-making.

Despite the growing evidence of the link between a healthy environment and our own prosperity, politicians seem increasingly preoccupied by other factors that might affect our economy.

I do not see the same energy being invested in tackling the ecological deficit as is the case with the economic deficit. We are in danger of passing on our natural environment to our children in a depleted state. This needs to change which is why people have taken to the streets outside Westminster.

We have made it simple for our politicians and have come up with three priorities. We want action to protect and restore wildlife – and here’s how.

1. Celebrate and defend the wildlife laws we have

We must fight any weakening or dilution of the laws we have, such as the EU Birds and Habitats Directives which provide the foundation for nature conservation in this country.

In September 2014, European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker asked new Environment Commissioner Karmenu Vella to consider merging the two directives into a modern piece of legislation.

The context of this announcement was an aggressively deregulatory and pro-growth agenda and therefore it is clear that ‘merge’ is code for ‘weaken’. This would be a disaster for nature conservation ambitions in this country and across Europe.

The Directives were established on the principle that no Member State should gain competitive advantage by trashing their environment. And this principle is respected by many businesses today. For example, Cemex, a global cement company recently said in defence of the directive

“These create a level playing field, and give our stakeholders confidence that we are operating to high standards.”

Despite what some may think, they do not act as a block to development. The 2012 Defra review of the Habitat Regulations designed to implement the directives in England showed that the main problems facing developers was a failure of implementation.

And, most importantly for any politician that wants to help nature, they work: research conducted by RSPB scientist showed that the Birds Directive has successfully protected those species considered to be at most risk and in need of most urgent protection across the EU – and has made a significant difference in protecting many of Europe’s birds from further decline.

2. Fully implement the laws – and clamp down on wildlife crime!

We must demand that the law as it is is fully implemented, ending wildlife crime so that threatened species like the hen harrier are able to fly free from harm.

This year’s Birdcrime report documented 164 incidents of shooting and destruction of birds of prey. We believe that these published figures represent only a fraction of the total number of incidents, as many crimes remain undetected and unreported, particularly those that occur in remote areas.

The hen harrier population, in particular, continues to reflect this persecution. In 2013, there were no successful breeding pairs left in England despite there being enough habitat to support over 300 breeding pairs.

We need politicians to wake up to the fact that without action, this bird could be lost from the English countryside. And action must start with cracking down on illegal killing.

3. A Nature & Wellbeing Act

We need a secure legal underpinning nature’s recovery by establishing a Nature and Wellbeing Act to mainstream nature in decision making, to establish long-term targets and powers to help meet them.

Defra’s biodiversity indicators are a timely reminder that we cannot rely on good will and an ever-dwindling pot of money to restore nature. We hope our proposed legislation will drive nature’s recovery in the same way that the Climate Change Act (2008) has begun to systematically reduce greenhouse gas emissions in the UK.

We know that action cannot be achieved by governments alone. Real change will also come from changes from other parts of society especially from developers, farmers, the grouse shooting community and other land managers.

But despite the state of the nation’s finances, government can still and must play its part. And that’s why people are coming to London to see their elected representatives. Thousands of people that are unable to attend have already written to their MP to urge them to take action for wildlife.

Civil society is united in its desire for a more positive relationship between people and wildlife.

We want 2015 to be the year that we take nature seriously and we expect politicians to recognise that in their election manifestos.

 


 

Support our Act for Nature campaign, asking your MP to back the Nature & Wellbeing Act.

Martin Harper is Conservation Director of RSPB. He blogs on the RSPB website, where this article was first published.

 




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Show your face for a GM Free UK Updated for 2026





I believe in people power.

It’s a belief that rarely lets me down. An informed and motivated populace is one of our best defences defence against corporate lies, political corruption and media laziness.

And frankly doing things together is more effective and fun than trying to change the world all on your own!

I’ve seen people power work in my own career. My Behind the Label series for The Ecologist is a good example. Armed with the facts about all the toxic ingredients that get put into everyday products such as food and cosmetics, it gave consumers the confidence to make better choices.

It often provoked an indignant response from companies. But over the years, as the momentum grew and public calls for safer products got louder, many manufacturers began to take some of the worst chemicals out of their products.

And now, people power is just what we need

In the UK we need people power again if we are going to stop the juggernaut of GMOs.

The US experience is showing what people power can do in this regard. People who never really thought of themselves as ‘activists’ has been motivated to take a stand over issues like GM labelling.

Local groups have been formed, money raised, PR organised and a big noise made – often from somebody’s back room or kitchen table – on behalf of a better food future for all. When Vermont became the first US state to vote mandatory labelling of GMO products into law that was people power in action.

But in the UK public engagement with GMOs has slipped somewhat due, I believe, to a very effective PR campaigning by biotech companies to make people feel they are too stupid to join in a discussion that is best left to scientists.

As a result GM campaigning in the UK has become a scientific and academic ‘battle of the papers’ with each side claiming that the 250 references in their paper are better than the 250 references in the other side’s paper. It’s not exactly the stuff that fuels headline news.

Worse many of the pro-GM scientists aren’t scientists at all but simply corporate lobbyists who plot with politicians behind closed doors. They’re hired guns whose job is to shoot first and not ask any questions. Ever.

We need good scientific discourse. We need good scientists on our side to show up show the multiple holes in the pro-GM argument. But GM is not just a scientific issue and scientists by their very nature are not activists and academic papers are not campaigns.

Raising the volume

What we need is a Big Noise. We need public engagement and it can’t come soon enough.

GMOs have been with us for nearly 20 years. In the early 90s a very visible public and media campaign helped keep them out of our fields and off our plates.

Because of the way that the public discussion has petered out in the UK and in many parts of the EU, people could be forgiven for believing that we are ‘safe’ from GMOs. But the issue has never gone away.

In reality the GM debate has, for some time, been at a stand-off, with consumers and NGOs largely refusing to accept GM and corporations, politicians and regulators trying to push it into farming and food.

This stand-off has allowed the issue to slip beneath the public radar, leaving many unaware of the latest developments or how these might affect them.

But things are changing rapidly. The biggest change is that the EU coalition that has blocked planting of GM crops has broken up. It is likely that before the end of 2014 the European Parliament will allow Member States to make their own decisions on the planting of GM crops.

This may sound like a good idea, but it creates more problems than it solves. GMOs don’t respect geographical borders and yet there is no solid provision for what might happen if GM crops in one country cross-pollinate with those in another.

Likewise, guidelines for opting out are very narrow and even require Member States to seek the consent of biotech companies before opting out. For these and other reasons, oversight at EU level is considered crucial to maintain tight control over the planting of GM crops.

If this proposed change in legislation goes ahead, the UK will likely push ahead with planting without any post-marketing monitoring or co-existence measures (necessary to protect organic and non-GMO farmers) in place.

Declare yourself GM Free Me

Now is the time to speak out. Let’s not wait for the horror headlines to appear before we get ourselves organised.

The GM Free Me initiative is one way you can begin. It’s a visual petition. Not just another selfish selfie, the campaign ask is simple.

Upload a photo of yourself holding the printable GM Free Me card, or if your are so inclined the e-card for tablets and ipads, and join this lively ‘national portrait gallery’ of real people of all ages and backgrounds who are tired of politicians, regulators, pro-industry researchers and media pushing genetic engineering technology into our farming and food system and ignoring the concerns and opposition of average people.

Once your photo is uploaded it goes onto a map of the UK divided into political constituencies. The more of us in each area, the more power we have and the more pressure we can all bring to bear locally and nationally.

So why not get your family, friends and colleagues involved too. Then share it on social media (and send it to your MP – there’s a button for that onsite!) and encourage others to join in so we can really make a noise.

Does it take longer than posting yet another angry tweet about GM? Yes. But not much longer.

And by adding your face to the gallery you are showing that people power is alive and well and determined to stop the UK becoming a GM nation.

 


 

Pat Thomas is an author and campaigner, a former Editor of the Ecologist and Director of the Beyond GM / GM Free Me campaign.

 

 




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Yes or No, we need democratic and constitutional reform Updated for 2026





Only recently, waking up to the possibility of a Yes majority, have UK politicians begun thinking about the implications of Scottish independence for ‘residual UK’ – rUK for short.

Amid speculation about what to do about Westminster MPs representing Scottish seats (who are predominantly Labour), little thought is being given to the great opportunities (and challenges) for the future of British democracy in rUK.

Once the Scottish decision is known, we should push for negotiations on what domestic, national and international roles and institutions UK/rUK needs to put in place for a renewed and sustainable democratic future.

If Scotland votes Yes

As Scotland has done through the referendum debates, we must initiate discussions about what kind of Britain we want for the future. This in itself represents an exciting and unprecedented opportunity for civic engagement and reflection.

Negotiations should aspire – at a minimum – to grant citizens:

  • a written constitution, with a form of proportional representation for Westminster parliamentary seats
  • the right of recall of MPs by constituents;
  • a directly elected Second Chamber to replace the anomalous House of Lords;
  • the option for regions to take up greater regional representation and autonomy through directly-elected assemblies modelled roughly on the Welsh Assembly, probably based roughly on the constituencies used for European Parliament elections;
  • and a citizens’ bill of rights.

Meanwhile, the Welsh should be offered the option of turning their Assembly into a Welsh Parliament.

But such a package, with its list of key democratic reforms, is a bare minimum. Citizens need to be empowered further, in a way that has never yet happened in a Britain of subjects rather than citizens.

Examples of how that might happen include:

  • Enhanced powers for local government (including, to rein in harmful business activity);
  • proportional representation for local government elections;
  • experimentation with more participatory democracy (such as participatory budgeting);
  • and a serious effort to represent and adequately protect unborn future generations.

The negotiation process should involve a range of stakeholders as well as MPs and constitutional lawyers. And it should focus on an inclusive and deliberative Constitutional Convention.

The Constitution should then either be offered to the British public to be adopted by referendum, or should be adopted by the Parliament elected in May 2015 – with an understanding at the time of the election that those being elected were being elected with this as a key, defining task.

The next step would be to adopt an appropriate form of proportional representation to provide fairer and better political and regional representation in Westminster – and in any and all regional or national assemblies and parliaments.

The 2015 Parliament would then be dissolved and new elections held under the new electoral system.

If Scotland votes No?

After insisting on a binary yes-or-no choice, refusing to allow a ‘Devo-max’ option, the UK Conservative-LibDem government together with Labour are now scrambling to give Scottish voters an incentive to vote No by offering some form of ‘Devo-max’ under a reformed UK arrangement.

What precisely would still be on offer if the No vote wins is debatable, though it seems increasingly likely that Wesminster will be held to these promises of ‘Devo-max’, in the event of a No vote, especially a narrow one on a high turnout.

Progressives like the Greens – the only British political party that backs independence both north and south of the border – and Compass (see here and here) need to address Scottish discontent with the status quo – and its causes.

They must also recognise that serious democratic deficits exist elsewhere: in Wales, most if not all English regions, and Northern Ireland. Not to mention local government everywhere.

The ‘West Lothian question’

So there is again a strong case for a Constitutional Convention. The Welsh are pressing this case, and rightly so. Interestingly, it is now being taken up in Scotland too.

Our strong belief is that such a Convention should be deliberative, and not only composed of elites. It should take as a rough model the impressive and inclusive deliberative process that took place in Iceland after the financial crash there.

One key reason why a Constitutional Convention is essential in the event of a No vote is the ‘West Lothian question‘: If a Scottish Parliament decides Scotland’s policies on a host of issues, how come Scottish MPs can vote on the same issues in the UK Parliament, determining policies in England, Wales or Northern Ireland?

With Devo-Max in Scotland, this question becomes completely unavoidable. The question should be settled – in a manner that involves the public, and is not merely imposed upon them.

Thus the undeniable need for a deliberative, inclusive, non-elite Constitutional Convention.

Yes or no, we need these reforms

Thus the upshot is that, whether the vote this week is Yes or No, the UK or rUK ought to have a Constitutional Convention. And that Constitutional Convention ought to be citizen-based and citizen-led rather than elite-based.

This is an exciting conclusion, and an inspiring prospect – a unique opportunity to address Britain’s wider crisis of political and democratic legitimacy.

 


 

Rebecca Johnson FRSA is a feminist peace campaigner and academic author. She is the Director of the Acronym Institute for Disarmament Diplomacy, CND Vice-President, and a member of Women in Black.

Rupert Read is Green Party Transport Spokesperson and Chair of the Green House economics think tank.

Website: www.rupertread.net.

Twitter: @GreenRupertRead (political) or @RupertRead (personal).

More articles by Rupert Read on The Ecologist.

 

 




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