Tag Archives: ttip

TTIP: MPs demand transparency and ‘right to regulate’ Updated for 2026





MPs in the House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS) Committee have demanded that “a right to regulate” be enshrined in the controversial Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the European Union and the United States.

There are growing fears – highlighted in today’s Ecologist with reference to Canada’s salutary experience – that TTIP’s fiercely investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism would allow foreign companies and private investors to sue governments for enacting ‘business unfriendly’ legislation.

Where countries legislate for environmental protection, labour standards or the state’s right to run public services – like the National Health Service – ISDS could allow corporations to sue governments for the loss of future profits in secret tribunals.

As the report highlights, ISDS could also allow “the possibility of US oil companies challenging environmental regulations on fracking.” Other examples include challenging regulations on chemicals in food and cosmetics as well as EU restrictions on genetically modified organisms.

The Committee therefore demands that “a statement ensuring the right to regulate by Sovereign Nations takes precedence over an investor’s right to invest is placed at the heart of the Government’s response on ISDS provisions”, also insisting on “the exclusion of any clauses which would require the State to pay in all outcomes.”

And – with specific reference to public concerns over NHS privatization – the MPs “urge the Government to ensure that an unequivocal statement guaranteeing the protection of public services at present – and the right to expand them in the future – is set out in any ISDS provisions.”

The demands are made in a new report just published by the (BIS) Committee which concludes: “We do not believe that the case has yet been made for ISDS clauses in TTIP.”

Government slammed for ISDS silence

The MPs also add a barb aimed squarely at the British government: “The European Commission is currently consulting Member States on the ISDS provisions. We are deeply concerned that the UK Government is not planning to submit a formal response to that consultation.

“We disagree with this approach. We argue that a formal response should be submitted and for that response to be made available for public scrutiny.”

The Committee argues that the Government’s secretive approach on the ISDS issue “does not give the impression that the Government is treating seriously the concerns that have been raised about the range or use of such clauses and serves only to fuel the existing scepticism held by opponents of TTIP.

“It also has the potential to leave the UK on the margins of any debate to better frame ISDS negotiations. We recommend that the Government produces a formal response to the consultation exercise and for it to be published at the same time it is submitted to the European Commission.”

This is not the first government report to question the need for ISDS clauses. On 10 March, the House of Commons Environmental Audit Committee (EAC) argued that the trade deal should not allow US companies to sue European nations when they pass environmental laws that hurt their profits.

The EAC also found that the trade deal could result in a “race to the bottom”, where attempts to align EU environmental safeguards to those in the US – which are generally seen to be weaker – could undermine or dilute environmental protections.

Secretive negotiations against the public interest

The Committee also takes aim at the secretive nature of the negotiations between the EU anmd the US on this major free trade deal, which it says has resulted in an “oversimplification and misrepresentation of arguments on both sides.”

“Everyone involved in the debate on TTIP-campaigners, lobbyists, the UK Government and the European Commission-must ensure that an evidence-based approach is at the heart of any TTIP debate.”

Adrian Bailey MP, Chair of the BIS Committee commented: “More detail needs to be made available to allow greater public scrutiny of this extensive trade agreement. Unfortunately, in the absence of that detail or undertakings that negotiating texts will be made public, the debate on the trade agreement has become polarised.”

The high degree of secrecy means it is impossible to monitor or evaluate what issues are being taken into account, the report explains. This echoes concerns previously raised by MPs about whether or not environmental risks are being taken into consideration.

However, because the negotiation process is ongoing, and much of the detail has yet to be agreed on or made public, it is “not possible to come to a definitive conclusion on the benefits or risks of an extensive trade agreement”, the BIS Committee states.

The Committee argues that the European Commission and the UK Government “must shoulder some of the blame” for the fact that only a minimal level of information has been made available about TTIP. Lord Livingston, Minister of State for Trade and Investment, agreed, telling the Committee that “a greater level of transparency was necessary and that this was now being addressed.”

The European Commission recently published some EU negotiating texts; however, it refuses to publish agendas or minutes of meetings held. It also argues that for data protection reasons, it cannot publish the names of meeting participants without their consent.

 


 

Action: an International Day of Action against all ‘free trade’ deals is planned for Saturday 18 April in association with Stop TTIP.

Sign an EU-wide petition against TTIP – it already has 1.6 million signatures and has a target of 2 million by October 2015.

Kyla Mandel is Deputy Editor of DeSmog UK. Follow her on Twitter
@kylamandel.

Oliver Tickell edits The Ecologist.

The report:Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership‘, House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills Committee, Eleventh Report of Session 2014-15.

This article is an expanded and edited version of one originally published on DeSmog UK.

 

 




391624

TTIP: MPs demand transparency and ‘right to regulate’ Updated for 2026





MPs in the House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS) Committee have demanded that “a right to regulate” be enshrined in the controversial Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the European Union and the United States.

There are growing fears – highlighted in today’s Ecologist with reference to Canada’s salutary experience – that TTIP’s fiercely investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism would allow foreign companies and private investors to sue governments for enacting ‘business unfriendly’ legislation.

Where countries legislate for environmental protection, labour standards or the state’s right to run public services – like the National Health Service – ISDS could allow corporations to sue governments for the loss of future profits in secret tribunals.

As the report highlights, ISDS could also allow “the possibility of US oil companies challenging environmental regulations on fracking.” Other examples include challenging regulations on chemicals in food and cosmetics as well as EU restrictions on genetically modified organisms.

The Committee therefore demands that “a statement ensuring the right to regulate by Sovereign Nations takes precedence over an investor’s right to invest is placed at the heart of the Government’s response on ISDS provisions”, also insisting on “the exclusion of any clauses which would require the State to pay in all outcomes.”

And – with specific reference to public concerns over NHS privatization – the MPs “urge the Government to ensure that an unequivocal statement guaranteeing the protection of public services at present – and the right to expand them in the future – is set out in any ISDS provisions.”

The demands are made in a new report just published by the (BIS) Committee which concludes: “We do not believe that the case has yet been made for ISDS clauses in TTIP.”

Government slammed for ISDS silence

The MPs also add a barb aimed squarely at the British government: “The European Commission is currently consulting Member States on the ISDS provisions. We are deeply concerned that the UK Government is not planning to submit a formal response to that consultation.

“We disagree with this approach. We argue that a formal response should be submitted and for that response to be made available for public scrutiny.”

The Committee argues that the Government’s secretive approach on the ISDS issue “does not give the impression that the Government is treating seriously the concerns that have been raised about the range or use of such clauses and serves only to fuel the existing scepticism held by opponents of TTIP.

“It also has the potential to leave the UK on the margins of any debate to better frame ISDS negotiations. We recommend that the Government produces a formal response to the consultation exercise and for it to be published at the same time it is submitted to the European Commission.”

This is not the first government report to question the need for ISDS clauses. On 10 March, the House of Commons Environmental Audit Committee (EAC) argued that the trade deal should not allow US companies to sue European nations when they pass environmental laws that hurt their profits.

The EAC also found that the trade deal could result in a “race to the bottom”, where attempts to align EU environmental safeguards to those in the US – which are generally seen to be weaker – could undermine or dilute environmental protections.

Secretive negotiations against the public interest

The Committee also takes aim at the secretive nature of the negotiations between the EU anmd the US on this major free trade deal, which it says has resulted in an “oversimplification and misrepresentation of arguments on both sides.”

“Everyone involved in the debate on TTIP-campaigners, lobbyists, the UK Government and the European Commission-must ensure that an evidence-based approach is at the heart of any TTIP debate.”

Adrian Bailey MP, Chair of the BIS Committee commented: “More detail needs to be made available to allow greater public scrutiny of this extensive trade agreement. Unfortunately, in the absence of that detail or undertakings that negotiating texts will be made public, the debate on the trade agreement has become polarised.”

The high degree of secrecy means it is impossible to monitor or evaluate what issues are being taken into account, the report explains. This echoes concerns previously raised by MPs about whether or not environmental risks are being taken into consideration.

However, because the negotiation process is ongoing, and much of the detail has yet to be agreed on or made public, it is “not possible to come to a definitive conclusion on the benefits or risks of an extensive trade agreement”, the BIS Committee states.

The Committee argues that the European Commission and the UK Government “must shoulder some of the blame” for the fact that only a minimal level of information has been made available about TTIP. Lord Livingston, Minister of State for Trade and Investment, agreed, telling the Committee that “a greater level of transparency was necessary and that this was now being addressed.”

The European Commission recently published some EU negotiating texts; however, it refuses to publish agendas or minutes of meetings held. It also argues that for data protection reasons, it cannot publish the names of meeting participants without their consent.

 


 

Action: an International Day of Action against all ‘free trade’ deals is planned for Saturday 18 April in association with Stop TTIP.

Sign an EU-wide petition against TTIP – it already has 1.6 million signatures and has a target of 2 million by October 2015.

Kyla Mandel is Deputy Editor of DeSmog UK. Follow her on Twitter
@kylamandel.

Oliver Tickell edits The Ecologist.

The report:Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership‘, House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills Committee, Eleventh Report of Session 2014-15.

This article is an expanded and edited version of one originally published on DeSmog UK.

 

 




391624

TTIP: MPs demand transparency and ‘right to regulate’ Updated for 2026





MPs in the House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS) Committee have demanded that “a right to regulate” be enshrined in the controversial Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the European Union and the United States.

There are growing fears – highlighted in today’s Ecologist with reference to Canada’s salutary experience – that TTIP’s fiercely investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism would allow foreign companies and private investors to sue governments for enacting ‘business unfriendly’ legislation.

Where countries legislate for environmental protection, labour standards or the state’s right to run public services – like the National Health Service – ISDS could allow corporations to sue governments for the loss of future profits in secret tribunals.

As the report highlights, ISDS could also allow “the possibility of US oil companies challenging environmental regulations on fracking.” Other examples include challenging regulations on chemicals in food and cosmetics as well as EU restrictions on genetically modified organisms.

The Committee therefore demands that “a statement ensuring the right to regulate by Sovereign Nations takes precedence over an investor’s right to invest is placed at the heart of the Government’s response on ISDS provisions”, also insisting on “the exclusion of any clauses which would require the State to pay in all outcomes.”

And – with specific reference to public concerns over NHS privatization – the MPs “urge the Government to ensure that an unequivocal statement guaranteeing the protection of public services at present – and the right to expand them in the future – is set out in any ISDS provisions.”

The demands are made in a new report just published by the (BIS) Committee which concludes: “We do not believe that the case has yet been made for ISDS clauses in TTIP.”

Government slammed for ISDS silence

The MPs also add a barb aimed squarely at the British government: “The European Commission is currently consulting Member States on the ISDS provisions. We are deeply concerned that the UK Government is not planning to submit a formal response to that consultation.

“We disagree with this approach. We argue that a formal response should be submitted and for that response to be made available for public scrutiny.”

The Committee argues that the Government’s secretive approach on the ISDS issue “does not give the impression that the Government is treating seriously the concerns that have been raised about the range or use of such clauses and serves only to fuel the existing scepticism held by opponents of TTIP.

“It also has the potential to leave the UK on the margins of any debate to better frame ISDS negotiations. We recommend that the Government produces a formal response to the consultation exercise and for it to be published at the same time it is submitted to the European Commission.”

This is not the first government report to question the need for ISDS clauses. On 10 March, the House of Commons Environmental Audit Committee (EAC) argued that the trade deal should not allow US companies to sue European nations when they pass environmental laws that hurt their profits.

The EAC also found that the trade deal could result in a “race to the bottom”, where attempts to align EU environmental safeguards to those in the US – which are generally seen to be weaker – could undermine or dilute environmental protections.

Secretive negotiations against the public interest

The Committee also takes aim at the secretive nature of the negotiations between the EU anmd the US on this major free trade deal, which it says has resulted in an “oversimplification and misrepresentation of arguments on both sides.”

“Everyone involved in the debate on TTIP-campaigners, lobbyists, the UK Government and the European Commission-must ensure that an evidence-based approach is at the heart of any TTIP debate.”

Adrian Bailey MP, Chair of the BIS Committee commented: “More detail needs to be made available to allow greater public scrutiny of this extensive trade agreement. Unfortunately, in the absence of that detail or undertakings that negotiating texts will be made public, the debate on the trade agreement has become polarised.”

The high degree of secrecy means it is impossible to monitor or evaluate what issues are being taken into account, the report explains. This echoes concerns previously raised by MPs about whether or not environmental risks are being taken into consideration.

However, because the negotiation process is ongoing, and much of the detail has yet to be agreed on or made public, it is “not possible to come to a definitive conclusion on the benefits or risks of an extensive trade agreement”, the BIS Committee states.

The Committee argues that the European Commission and the UK Government “must shoulder some of the blame” for the fact that only a minimal level of information has been made available about TTIP. Lord Livingston, Minister of State for Trade and Investment, agreed, telling the Committee that “a greater level of transparency was necessary and that this was now being addressed.”

The European Commission recently published some EU negotiating texts; however, it refuses to publish agendas or minutes of meetings held. It also argues that for data protection reasons, it cannot publish the names of meeting participants without their consent.

 


 

Action: an International Day of Action against all ‘free trade’ deals is planned for Saturday 18 April in association with Stop TTIP.

Sign an EU-wide petition against TTIP – it already has 1.6 million signatures and has a target of 2 million by October 2015.

Kyla Mandel is Deputy Editor of DeSmog UK. Follow her on Twitter
@kylamandel.

Oliver Tickell edits The Ecologist.

The report:Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership‘, House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills Committee, Eleventh Report of Session 2014-15.

This article is an expanded and edited version of one originally published on DeSmog UK.

 

 




391624

TTIP: MPs demand transparency and ‘right to regulate’ Updated for 2026





MPs in the House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS) Committee have demanded that “a right to regulate” be enshrined in the controversial Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the European Union and the United States.

There are growing fears – highlighted in today’s Ecologist with reference to Canada’s salutary experience – that TTIP’s fiercely investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism would allow foreign companies and private investors to sue governments for enacting ‘business unfriendly’ legislation.

Where countries legislate for environmental protection, labour standards or the state’s right to run public services – like the National Health Service – ISDS could allow corporations to sue governments for the loss of future profits in secret tribunals.

As the report highlights, ISDS could also allow “the possibility of US oil companies challenging environmental regulations on fracking.” Other examples include challenging regulations on chemicals in food and cosmetics as well as EU restrictions on genetically modified organisms.

The Committee therefore demands that “a statement ensuring the right to regulate by Sovereign Nations takes precedence over an investor’s right to invest is placed at the heart of the Government’s response on ISDS provisions”, also insisting on “the exclusion of any clauses which would require the State to pay in all outcomes.”

And – with specific reference to public concerns over NHS privatization – the MPs “urge the Government to ensure that an unequivocal statement guaranteeing the protection of public services at present – and the right to expand them in the future – is set out in any ISDS provisions.”

The demands are made in a new report just published by the (BIS) Committee which concludes: “We do not believe that the case has yet been made for ISDS clauses in TTIP.”

Government slammed for ISDS silence

The MPs also add a barb aimed squarely at the British government: “The European Commission is currently consulting Member States on the ISDS provisions. We are deeply concerned that the UK Government is not planning to submit a formal response to that consultation.

“We disagree with this approach. We argue that a formal response should be submitted and for that response to be made available for public scrutiny.”

The Committee argues that the Government’s secretive approach on the ISDS issue “does not give the impression that the Government is treating seriously the concerns that have been raised about the range or use of such clauses and serves only to fuel the existing scepticism held by opponents of TTIP.

“It also has the potential to leave the UK on the margins of any debate to better frame ISDS negotiations. We recommend that the Government produces a formal response to the consultation exercise and for it to be published at the same time it is submitted to the European Commission.”

This is not the first government report to question the need for ISDS clauses. On 10 March, the House of Commons Environmental Audit Committee (EAC) argued that the trade deal should not allow US companies to sue European nations when they pass environmental laws that hurt their profits.

The EAC also found that the trade deal could result in a “race to the bottom”, where attempts to align EU environmental safeguards to those in the US – which are generally seen to be weaker – could undermine or dilute environmental protections.

Secretive negotiations against the public interest

The Committee also takes aim at the secretive nature of the negotiations between the EU anmd the US on this major free trade deal, which it says has resulted in an “oversimplification and misrepresentation of arguments on both sides.”

“Everyone involved in the debate on TTIP-campaigners, lobbyists, the UK Government and the European Commission-must ensure that an evidence-based approach is at the heart of any TTIP debate.”

Adrian Bailey MP, Chair of the BIS Committee commented: “More detail needs to be made available to allow greater public scrutiny of this extensive trade agreement. Unfortunately, in the absence of that detail or undertakings that negotiating texts will be made public, the debate on the trade agreement has become polarised.”

The high degree of secrecy means it is impossible to monitor or evaluate what issues are being taken into account, the report explains. This echoes concerns previously raised by MPs about whether or not environmental risks are being taken into consideration.

However, because the negotiation process is ongoing, and much of the detail has yet to be agreed on or made public, it is “not possible to come to a definitive conclusion on the benefits or risks of an extensive trade agreement”, the BIS Committee states.

The Committee argues that the European Commission and the UK Government “must shoulder some of the blame” for the fact that only a minimal level of information has been made available about TTIP. Lord Livingston, Minister of State for Trade and Investment, agreed, telling the Committee that “a greater level of transparency was necessary and that this was now being addressed.”

The European Commission recently published some EU negotiating texts; however, it refuses to publish agendas or minutes of meetings held. It also argues that for data protection reasons, it cannot publish the names of meeting participants without their consent.

 


 

Action: an International Day of Action against all ‘free trade’ deals is planned for Saturday 18 April in association with Stop TTIP.

Sign an EU-wide petition against TTIP – it already has 1.6 million signatures and has a target of 2 million by October 2015.

Kyla Mandel is Deputy Editor of DeSmog UK. Follow her on Twitter
@kylamandel.

Oliver Tickell edits The Ecologist.

The report:Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership‘, House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills Committee, Eleventh Report of Session 2014-15.

This article is an expanded and edited version of one originally published on DeSmog UK.

 

 




391624

TTIP: MPs demand transparency and ‘right to regulate’ Updated for 2026





MPs in the House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS) Committee have demanded that “a right to regulate” be enshrined in the controversial Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the European Union and the United States.

There are growing fears – highlighted in today’s Ecologist with reference to Canada’s salutary experience – that TTIP’s fiercely investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism would allow foreign companies and private investors to sue governments for enacting ‘business unfriendly’ legislation.

Where countries legislate for environmental protection, labour standards or the state’s right to run public services – like the National Health Service – ISDS could allow corporations to sue governments for the loss of future profits in secret tribunals.

As the report highlights, ISDS could also allow “the possibility of US oil companies challenging environmental regulations on fracking.” Other examples include challenging regulations on chemicals in food and cosmetics as well as EU restrictions on genetically modified organisms.

The Committee therefore demands that “a statement ensuring the right to regulate by Sovereign Nations takes precedence over an investor’s right to invest is placed at the heart of the Government’s response on ISDS provisions”, also insisting on “the exclusion of any clauses which would require the State to pay in all outcomes.”

And – with specific reference to public concerns over NHS privatization – the MPs “urge the Government to ensure that an unequivocal statement guaranteeing the protection of public services at present – and the right to expand them in the future – is set out in any ISDS provisions.”

The demands are made in a new report just published by the (BIS) Committee which concludes: “We do not believe that the case has yet been made for ISDS clauses in TTIP.”

Government slammed for ISDS silence

The MPs also add a barb aimed squarely at the British government: “The European Commission is currently consulting Member States on the ISDS provisions. We are deeply concerned that the UK Government is not planning to submit a formal response to that consultation.

“We disagree with this approach. We argue that a formal response should be submitted and for that response to be made available for public scrutiny.”

The Committee argues that the Government’s secretive approach on the ISDS issue “does not give the impression that the Government is treating seriously the concerns that have been raised about the range or use of such clauses and serves only to fuel the existing scepticism held by opponents of TTIP.

“It also has the potential to leave the UK on the margins of any debate to better frame ISDS negotiations. We recommend that the Government produces a formal response to the consultation exercise and for it to be published at the same time it is submitted to the European Commission.”

This is not the first government report to question the need for ISDS clauses. On 10 March, the House of Commons Environmental Audit Committee (EAC) argued that the trade deal should not allow US companies to sue European nations when they pass environmental laws that hurt their profits.

The EAC also found that the trade deal could result in a “race to the bottom”, where attempts to align EU environmental safeguards to those in the US – which are generally seen to be weaker – could undermine or dilute environmental protections.

Secretive negotiations against the public interest

The Committee also takes aim at the secretive nature of the negotiations between the EU anmd the US on this major free trade deal, which it says has resulted in an “oversimplification and misrepresentation of arguments on both sides.”

“Everyone involved in the debate on TTIP-campaigners, lobbyists, the UK Government and the European Commission-must ensure that an evidence-based approach is at the heart of any TTIP debate.”

Adrian Bailey MP, Chair of the BIS Committee commented: “More detail needs to be made available to allow greater public scrutiny of this extensive trade agreement. Unfortunately, in the absence of that detail or undertakings that negotiating texts will be made public, the debate on the trade agreement has become polarised.”

The high degree of secrecy means it is impossible to monitor or evaluate what issues are being taken into account, the report explains. This echoes concerns previously raised by MPs about whether or not environmental risks are being taken into consideration.

However, because the negotiation process is ongoing, and much of the detail has yet to be agreed on or made public, it is “not possible to come to a definitive conclusion on the benefits or risks of an extensive trade agreement”, the BIS Committee states.

The Committee argues that the European Commission and the UK Government “must shoulder some of the blame” for the fact that only a minimal level of information has been made available about TTIP. Lord Livingston, Minister of State for Trade and Investment, agreed, telling the Committee that “a greater level of transparency was necessary and that this was now being addressed.”

The European Commission recently published some EU negotiating texts; however, it refuses to publish agendas or minutes of meetings held. It also argues that for data protection reasons, it cannot publish the names of meeting participants without their consent.

 


 

Action: an International Day of Action against all ‘free trade’ deals is planned for Saturday 18 April in association with Stop TTIP.

Sign an EU-wide petition against TTIP – it already has 1.6 million signatures and has a target of 2 million by October 2015.

Kyla Mandel is Deputy Editor of DeSmog UK. Follow her on Twitter
@kylamandel.

Oliver Tickell edits The Ecologist.

The report:Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership‘, House of Commons Business, Innovation and Skills Committee, Eleventh Report of Session 2014-15.

This article is an expanded and edited version of one originally published on DeSmog UK.

 

 




391624

Profits before whales! To know why TTIP would be a nightmare, look to Canada Updated for 2026





If anyone tries to convince you that TTIP is no threat to a government’s ability to protect its people, just point them to Canada.

Last week, Canada’s government was successfully sued for daring to turn down a large mining quarry which threatened to cause environmental damage in Nova Scotia.

It is the latest in a long line of cases which have been brought against Canada for attempting to introduce environmental protection, under NAFTA – the North America Free Trade Agreement. These cases have been brought about under exactly the same mechanism – known as ISDS (Investor State Dispute Settlement) – which is at the centre of the TTIP deal.

ISDS is essentially a corporate court system – allowing foreign corporations to sue governments in secret tribunals, overseen by corporate lawyers, with no right of appeal. Even winning can cost a country a small fortune in legal costs.

Canada has to pay $100s of millions in ‘compensation’

The most recent ruling focuses on Canada’s decision, following an environmental review, to block the White’s Point 152-hectare basalt quarry on Digby Neck in Nova Scotia – which happens to be a key breeding area for cetaceans, increasingly popular among whale-watchers.

Among the species regularly frequenting nearby waters are Finback Whales, Minke Whales, Harbor Porpoises, Humpback Whales, Whitesided Dolphins, the endangered North Atlantic Right Whale, and there have been sightings of Pilot, Beluga, Sei, Sperm Whales and Orcas.

US corporation Bilcon wanted to open the quarry and argued that it had put time and money into the development. The province’s environmental review, however, found that the project clashed with community core values, and the quarry blasting and shipping movements would be detrimental to the area’s cetaceans.

The company argued that the government shouldn’t even have resorted to an environmental review. It has now won its case before the NAFTA arbitration panel, which ruled in its 260-page judgment that Bilcon was “denied a fair environmental hearing”. It is now demanding $300 million in compensation.

Two aspects of this case prove what critics have always said about these corporate courts. First, the case didn’t relate to a breach of contract or to discrimination in favour of a domestic company. It simply related to a regulation which a foreign corporation didn’t like.

Second, the case is a challenge to Canada’s ability to make decisions based on environmental protection, as pointed out by the one dissenting voice in this tribunal, that of Ottawa law professor Donald McRae who warned:

“A chill will be imposed on environmental review panels which will be concerned not to give too much weight to socio-economic considerations or other considerations of the human environment in case the result is a claim for damages under NAFTA.”

The ruling, he continued “will be seen as a remarkable step backwards in environmental protection” and a “significant intrusion into domestic jurisdiction.”

Environmental protection subordinate to corporate profit

Canada has been sued for environmental protection regulations again and again. Previous cases include Canada being taken to task for attempting to ban the import of toxic waste and for trying to prohibit dangerous chemical MMT from petrol. In the latter case, Canada reversed its ban.

And only days before the Bilcon ruling, Canada had a $17.3-million award made against it for a regulation which required oil giant Exxon Mobil and Murphy Oil (along with other offshore oil producers) to invest some of their profits from offshore drilling in the local economy.

It has been suggested that unless the requirement is withdrawn, this will be the tip of the iceberg in terms of ‘compensation’ – another example of a completely moderate and sensible government regulation being threatened by unelected, unaccountable corporate lawyers. 

It is often claimed that these corporate courts ‘only’ effect developing countries with dubious standards of law. That would be bad enough, but Canada is not a developing country, yet has lost millions of dollars to these corporate courts after signing an investment deal like TTIP with the US. These cases should be instructive to European governments.

The European Commission is keen to tell us that they are reforming the corporate court procedure for TTIP, so there’s no need to worry. But from what we’ve seen of such reforms to date, they may actually make matters worse. Veteran investment arbitrator Todd Weiler said of the reformed system:

“I love it, the new Canadian-EU treaty … we used to have to argue about all of those [foreign investor rights] … And now we have this great list. I just love it when they try to explain things.”

In the UK, the political divide is laid bare

In a ground-breaking report, the House of Commons Business Select Committee came out today saying it wasn’t convinced of the need for the corporate court system. Against them are ranged Conservatives and Liberal Democrats who support TTIP and its ISDS provisions, often with great enthusiasm.

Lobbying of MPs and MEPs has shown that Labour representatives are looking for significant reform of ISDS before they will be persuaded to vote for CETA or TTIP, while Green Party, SNP and UKIP MEPs are voting against the deal.

It has recently been flagged by a number of US Senate Democrats as a reason to oppose TTIP. 

Negotiations on TTIP between the EU and the US are continuing, amid reports of “problems” over the inclusion of ISDS in the agreement. In an earlier public consultation on ISDS in TTIP, over 150,000 respondents participated – 97% of them opposing ISDS. The next round of negotiations will take place in Washington DC in the week starting 20th April.

Canada’s experience shows why it’s important for progressive politicians to stick to their guns – and for those now supporting ISDS to rethink their position. The corporate court system fundamentally challenges our ability to protect the environment. However you reform it, it has no role in a democratic society.

 


 

Action: an International Day of Action against all ‘free trade’ deals is planned for Saturday 18 April in association with Stop TTIP.

Sign an EU-wide petition against TTIP – it already has 1.6 million signatures and has a target of 2 million by October 2015.

Nick Dearden is director of the Global Justice Now (formerly World Development Movement), and former director of the Jubilee Debt Campaign.

This article is an updated version of one first published by Global Justice Now.

 

 




391620

TTIP is a lethal attack on food safety and animal welfare Updated for 2026





The EU’s recently published Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) proposals for the chapter on food safety and animal welfare – under negotiation this week – is a regulatory train crash in which governments will abrogate their powers to remote international bodies and committees of trade experts.

The proposed text, an analysis by Friends of the Earth Europe (FOEE) reveals, will undermine existing health and safety regulations in both the EU and the US with potentially disastrous results for food safety and animal welfare on both sides of the Atlantic.

With the release of the document, says FOEE, “it is now clear that the over-riding objective is the maximization of trade.” The regulatory powers of national governments are to be shifted from the EU and national and state governments to a new ‘trade committee’, removing their ability to set higher standards.

There is the also the new prospect of novel foods including GMOs, cloned animals, and nano materials being introduced after minimal health and safety checks – while provisions for animal welfare are non-binding.

Food standards in both the EU and the US will have to be those established through the World Trade Organisation (WTO) – and its industry-dominated Codex Alimentarius Commission – preventing the adoption of more demanding standards anywhere within the trading bloc.

“This trade agreement is a Trojan Horse that will threaten our food safety and environment”, says Adrian Bebb, Food and agriculture campaigner with FOEE – echoing the ‘Trojan horse’ theme at today’s boisterous demo at the European Commission in Brussels, organised by FOEE and Global Justice Now

“Trade officials whose primary objective is to increase trade and boost corporate profits will have first say over future food safety rules. A trade agreement is not the place to decide about our food safety.”

Based on the available text, warns FOEE, “we fear that TTIP is likely to restrict efforts to build healthier, fairer and more sustainable food systems on both sides of the Atlantic.”

Or as Renée Vellvé of GRAIN puts it: “There is nothing in here that will advance the interests of consumers, small farmers or public health.”

Maximizing trade at all costs

The clearly stated purpose of the TTIP agreement is to facilitate trade “to the greatest extent possible”. Article 2.1 of the proposed chapter on food safety, plant and animal health and welfare, recognises governments’ rights to “protect human, animal or plant life and health” in their territories.

But it appears that regulatory authorities will in fact be unable to realize this right, given the emphasis on increasing trade between the EU and the US, and because each and every regulation must be justified as “least trade restrictive”.

Under Article 13, even countries’ rights to inspect food and agricultural imports at the port of entry – a key measure which has been used to safeguard public health – will be limited to “exceptional cases”, e.g. to check for “regulated pests”.

And under Article 8, in nearly all cases those checks will be carried out by the exporting country. Any attempt by the importing country to re-inspect imports would be banned as “redundant” (Article 8).

And while Article 3 of the text requires countries to “avail themselves of the resources necessary to implement the chapter” , there is no requirement to ensure the more extensive resources needed to protect human, animal or plant life and health. As FOEE observes, “Trade appears to have more of a priority than safety.”

As for rules on food safety, plant and animal health and welfare, these can be challenged by investors and governments who think they are too exacting – but not by members of the public concerned their failure to adequately protect human, animal or plant life and health.

    Karen Hansen-Kuhn, Director of Internal Strategies at the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, fear that the proposals will effectively put a stop to efforts taking place in many countries to create safe and sustainable food production and supply networks.

    “People in many states are rebuilding their food systems from the ground up”, she says. “The proposals in the SPS chapter could create new obstacles to cut that process short.”

    Shifting power from governments to trade experts

    Under Article 18 of the text, the EU proposes that responsibility for initial decisions on food health and safety will be transferred away from national governments and agencies to a wholly unaccountable joint EU-US management committee, made up of trade and regulatory experts and, potentially, industry representatives.

    The proposal appears to match the demands put forward by the US biotech lobby organisation, BIO, to US trade representatives in May 2013. And of course, trade experts tend to see safety rules as technical trade barriers rather than as reflecting the needs and demands of society.

    Under this system, for example, any review of safety procedures for GMO crops in the EU would be considered by the trade committee first, before undergoing an impact assessment, and comprehensive consultations with national governments in the European Union.

    “Trade experts are likely to see measures to introduce or extend moratoria on products as barriers to trade”, points out FOEE. “This would put at risk existing protection measures, such as the moratorium on several growth hormones, scheduled for review.”

      Local standards will be over-ruled

      There are concerns that the Commission’s proposal will undermine measures introduced at the local, US state, or EU member state level intended to raise standards – measures which have historically led to standards being increased across the board.

      Under Article 6, any new rules set at the EU or federal level in the US, would apply throughout the territory, apart from zones with known plant or animal diseases. So EU countries and US states would be unable to pass more stringent regulations to make up for deficiences in EU / US regulations as they now can. In many cases, progress on higher standards starts at the local level and builds upwards.

      “This threatens to undermine even existing rules designed to raise standards”, says FOEE, “such as measures to ban small cages for battery hens in California or to reduce antibiotic use in the farming sectors in France and Denmark.”

      This could also make it more difficult to restrict imports should conditions or enforcement standards change in the future.

        Novel foods – a free for all

        The EU’s proposals will affect regulations on ‘novel’ foods or food ingredients, such as foods derived from cloning, genetic modification or synthetic biology.

        The purpose of the draft proposal, in Article 7.1, is to ensure that regulations should be applied so as to minimize negative effects on trade “while ensuring the fulfilment of the importing Party’s requirements”.

        As such, any new products being brought to market (“new trade”), which are not covered by existing rules, could escape regulation as any new regulation could be seen as a ‘barrier to trade’.

        “This would undermine all existing efforts at regulating new technologies like nanotechnology, synthetic biology, animal cloning and genetically engineered animals”, says Jaydee Hanson, Senior Policy Analyst for Emerging Technologies at the Center for Food Safety. “These technologies need careful and precautionary reviews before they are used in our food, not a free trade pass to avoid review.”

        As Hanson points out, nanomaterials, which are increasingly being used for food-related products, or foods derived from new techniques for genetic modification in plants or animals, could be traded in the absence of regulation specific to those technologies.

        Also novel foods imported into the EU from the US would face minimal safety checks, as the US lacks regulations for novel food, warns FOEE: “The US does not regulate the new kinds of genetic engineering of plants, animals and microbes being introduced through synthetic biology, unless plant pests are involved.”

        And any new regulations imposed at any level could be interpreted by investors as a ‘barrier to trade’, providing an opportunity for legal action under the proposed Investment Settlement Dispute Mechanism.

        The threat is a very real one – the American Chemistry Council has already urged the US Trade Representative’s Office to indicate that it would challenge at the WTO and EU requirement to label nanomaterials as a ‘barrier to trade’.

        And we are already feeling the effects as regulators hasten to be ‘TTIP-ready’. The EU is currently watering down regulations for novel foods, allowing offspring from cloned animals (including live animals, embryos or semen) to be imported.

        A clear example of TTIP’s chilling effect on future legislation is evident in the Commission’s refusal to extend the proposed ban on cloned animals to descendants of clones because it would hinder the negotiation process. Moreover cloned animals, while restricted in the EU, are not tracked in the US, so it is possible that they could enter the food supply.

        This is of particular concern as the long-term consequences of cloning are as yet unknown; it is however known that animals bred to maximise production can have serious health problems.

        Animal welfare – a race to the bottom

        There are also concerns that the wording in the EU’s proposals – which recognise in Article 17.1 that animals are sentient beings, thus are able to suffer and feel pain and fear – is so weak that it may will animal welfare standards at risk.

        Moreover it is immediately followed by Article 17.2, which proposes an alignment of regulatory standards between the two regions – which is next to impossible given the differences in existing legislation.

        “While the US has no federal animal welfare legislation except rules on the slaughter of livestock”, argues FOEE, “the EU has a series of regulations and directives covering different species at all stages of the farming process.”

        In particular the wording on “collaboration to further develop good animal welfare practices” is non-binding – and there is nothing in the text to suggest that products from animals raised under significantly lower welfare standards (e.g. eggs from battery hens) could be barred from import.

        This means that competition from farmers operating to lower standards in the US  could force European farmers to demand lower welfare standards in the E, since there are no requirements that either party comply with animal welfare laws of the partner with the highest levels of protection as a condition for trade.

        There is nothing in the draft to suggest that the EU might be able to positively influence and advance animal welfare standards – as has been claimed.

        Olga Kikou, European Affairs Manager at Compassion in World Farming, is clear as to the likely outcome: “References to an alignment of regulatory standards in the proposed SPS chapter have reinforced claims that TTIP will be detrimental for animal welfare and will lead to further intensification in the sector.”

        The proposal does includes plans for a ‘working group’ on animal welfare – but the provisions mentioned in the text are unenforceable. It is more likely that increasing pressure from agribusiness will result in further intensification of animal farming.

        Enforcing flawed, industry-dominated WTO international standards

        The EU draft re-emphasises that the TTIP agreement comply with the World Trade Organisation agreement on food safety, and agricultural plant and animal health (WTO SPS), which recognizes as authoritative standards set by the international Codex Alimentarius Commission.

        Under TTIP’s Article 7.7, new rules agreed by Codex must be adopted in EU and US regulation within 12 months, unless either the US or EU registers ‘reservations’ to the specific threshold decided at the Codex meeting.

        So in effect, TTIP would force both the EU and the US to accept the Codex standard, unless a ‘reservation’ had been formally registered. Also, it’s not clear that ‘reservations’ already raised about existing Codex rulings, due to concerns about the evidence used to set the standards, will continue to apply.

        And once the EU or US has adopted a Codex standard, it must maintain that standard, even if new scientific evidence shows the Codex standard inadequate to protect human health. “Codex is slow to request international risk assessments based on new science, and it cannot develop a new standard without such risk assessments”, explains FOEE.

        In addition, “The EU proposal appears to accept that once a Codex standard for a food has been fixed, the EU and US would lose their right to opt for stricter thresholds, even if new evidence of risks becomes available.” Indeed, under Article 7.7, the EU and the US could be bound by internationally agreed standards “even where clear evidence suggests a threat to public health.”

          As FoEE concludes, “This trade agreement is a Trojan Horse that will threaten our food safety and environment. Trade officials whose primary objective is to increase trade and boost corporate profits will have first say over future food safety rules. A trade agreement is not the place to decide about our food safety.”

           


           

          FOEE report:How TTIP undermines food safety and animal welfare‘.

          EU proposals for the chapter on food safety and animal welfare.

           




          389858

TTIP: What bit of the word ‘no’ doesn’t the Commission understand? Updated for 2026





Even a tyrant might baulk at effecting a policy which 97% of people oppose. But the European Commission is moving forward with the US-EU trade deal (known as TTIP), despite getting just that result from its largest consultation in history. Nonetheless, corporate plans for this huge trade deal have been badly damaged.

Last year, in response public criticism, the Commission issued a consultation on so-called ‘investor protection’. That’s the bit of trade deals which gives corporations the right to sue governments for implementing policies that damage their profits. So for Investor protection read corporate privilege.

Not surprisingly it’s hugely unpopular. Over 97% all of the 150,000 respondents to the Commission’s consultation – that’s more than 100 times that of any previous trade consultation – rejected investor protection outright.

Where’s the ‘I don’t want this’ box?

Unfortunately, the Commission insists that they were answering a question that hadn’t been asked. At no point in the whole dense, legalistic consultation document were participants given an option to say ‘we don’t want this’.

Rather they were asked questions almost impossible to understand by anyone who isn’t a trade lawyer. When campaign groups created an easy-to-follow online response action, they were accused of “hijacking” the process.

On Tuesday, the Commission released its findings in full. They show that an enormous number of EU citizens responded to the consultation, more than any consultation in history, as well as nearly 450 businesses, campaign organisations, think tanks and trade unions.

The analysis shows that this really is a battle between big business and the rest of us. The exclusion of public services is “strongly opposed by a significant number of business associations who want to see exceptions and limitations brought down to a minimum.”

Unsurprisingly, corporate giants like Chevron, Suez and Repsol, which have sued countries under similar investor protection, are fully supportive of those systems. Indeed some reject any weakening of a system which has allowed tobacco giant Philip Morris to sue Uruguay for putting health warnings on cigarette packets.

But even across the business world, there is no consensus. “[S]mall companies are more critical” – not surprising given small business is unlikely to have access to this world of corporate privilege.

UK: Cameron is all for it, we are all against it

The country generating most response to the EU (52,000 participants) is Britain. This is good, because the British government is pushing investor protection more than any other. Last year they intervened to make sure the Commission kept its nerve.

Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmström admitted on Tuesday that the “consultation clearly shows that there is a huge scepticism against the ISDS [investor protection] instrument”, but she will continue to try to work out a compromise nonetheless. This is deeply worrying because the last compromise made in the Canada-EU treaty (CETA) actually risks giving corporations more power.

The deal has been welcomed by veteran investment arbitrator Todd Weiler: “I love it, the new Canadian-EU treaty … we used to have to argue about all of those [foreign investor rights] … And now we have this great list. I just love it when they try to explain things.”

The Commission now embarks on further ‘consultation’. But they have been dealt a serious blow by campaigners from across Europe, who now need to get even more active.

Will the European Parliament step up to the mark?

The European Parliament will adopt a position on TTIP in May. Early signs are that this will be a real showdown and vitally important to whether or not TTIP passes into law.

German Social Democrat Bernd Lange from the trade committee, one of the most important parliamentarians on TTIP, wrote last month that everything important “can be attained in TTIP without the inclusion of ISDS provisions”.

The Environment Committee has been even more critical, worrying “that the TTIP and other mega trade deals are likely to reshape global trade rules and set new standards, while also being discriminatory … risking sidelining important issues for developing countries such as food security, agricultural subsidies and climate change mitigation”

2015 is the make or break year for TTIP, and the coming months are vitally important. To have any hope of stopping this corporate juggernaut, we need to win critical votes in the EU Parliament on TTIP and CETA.

 


 

Nick Dearden is director of Global Justice Now.

Creative Commons License

This article was originally published by openDemocracy under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 licence.

 




389224

TTIP: What bit of the word ‘no’ doesn’t the Commission understand? Updated for 2026





Even a tyrant might baulk at effecting a policy which 97% of people oppose. But the European Commission is moving forward with the US-EU trade deal (known as TTIP), despite getting just that result from its largest consultation in history. Nonetheless, corporate plans for this huge trade deal have been badly damaged.

Last year, in response public criticism, the Commission issued a consultation on so-called ‘investor protection’. That’s the bit of trade deals which gives corporations the right to sue governments for implementing policies that damage their profits. So for Investor protection read corporate privilege.

Not surprisingly it’s hugely unpopular. Over 97% all of the 150,000 respondents to the Commission’s consultation – that’s more than 100 times that of any previous trade consultation – rejected investor protection outright.

Where’s the ‘I don’t want this’ box?

Unfortunately, the Commission insists that they were answering a question that hadn’t been asked. At no point in the whole dense, legalistic consultation document were participants given an option to say ‘we don’t want this’.

Rather they were asked questions almost impossible to understand by anyone who isn’t a trade lawyer. When campaign groups created an easy-to-follow online response action, they were accused of “hijacking” the process.

On Tuesday, the Commission released its findings in full. They show that an enormous number of EU citizens responded to the consultation, more than any consultation in history, as well as nearly 450 businesses, campaign organisations, think tanks and trade unions.

The analysis shows that this really is a battle between big business and the rest of us. The exclusion of public services is “strongly opposed by a significant number of business associations who want to see exceptions and limitations brought down to a minimum.”

Unsurprisingly, corporate giants like Chevron, Suez and Repsol, which have sued countries under similar investor protection, are fully supportive of those systems. Indeed some reject any weakening of a system which has allowed tobacco giant Philip Morris to sue Uruguay for putting health warnings on cigarette packets.

But even across the business world, there is no consensus. “[S]mall companies are more critical” – not surprising given small business is unlikely to have access to this world of corporate privilege.

UK: Cameron is all for it, we are all against it

The country generating most response to the EU (52,000 participants) is Britain. This is good, because the British government is pushing investor protection more than any other. Last year they intervened to make sure the Commission kept its nerve.

Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmström admitted on Tuesday that the “consultation clearly shows that there is a huge scepticism against the ISDS [investor protection] instrument”, but she will continue to try to work out a compromise nonetheless. This is deeply worrying because the last compromise made in the Canada-EU treaty (CETA) actually risks giving corporations more power.

The deal has been welcomed by veteran investment arbitrator Todd Weiler: “I love it, the new Canadian-EU treaty … we used to have to argue about all of those [foreign investor rights] … And now we have this great list. I just love it when they try to explain things.”

The Commission now embarks on further ‘consultation’. But they have been dealt a serious blow by campaigners from across Europe, who now need to get even more active.

Will the European Parliament step up to the mark?

The European Parliament will adopt a position on TTIP in May. Early signs are that this will be a real showdown and vitally important to whether or not TTIP passes into law.

German Social Democrat Bernd Lange from the trade committee, one of the most important parliamentarians on TTIP, wrote last month that everything important “can be attained in TTIP without the inclusion of ISDS provisions”.

The Environment Committee has been even more critical, worrying “that the TTIP and other mega trade deals are likely to reshape global trade rules and set new standards, while also being discriminatory … risking sidelining important issues for developing countries such as food security, agricultural subsidies and climate change mitigation”

2015 is the make or break year for TTIP, and the coming months are vitally important. To have any hope of stopping this corporate juggernaut, we need to win critical votes in the EU Parliament on TTIP and CETA.

 


 

Nick Dearden is director of Global Justice Now.

Creative Commons License

This article was originally published by openDemocracy under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 licence.

 




389224

TTIP: What bit of the word ‘no’ doesn’t the Commission understand? Updated for 2026





Even a tyrant might baulk at effecting a policy which 97% of people oppose. But the European Commission is moving forward with the US-EU trade deal (known as TTIP), despite getting just that result from its largest consultation in history. Nonetheless, corporate plans for this huge trade deal have been badly damaged.

Last year, in response public criticism, the Commission issued a consultation on so-called ‘investor protection’. That’s the bit of trade deals which gives corporations the right to sue governments for implementing policies that damage their profits. So for Investor protection read corporate privilege.

Not surprisingly it’s hugely unpopular. Over 97% all of the 150,000 respondents to the Commission’s consultation – that’s more than 100 times that of any previous trade consultation – rejected investor protection outright.

Where’s the ‘I don’t want this’ box?

Unfortunately, the Commission insists that they were answering a question that hadn’t been asked. At no point in the whole dense, legalistic consultation document were participants given an option to say ‘we don’t want this’.

Rather they were asked questions almost impossible to understand by anyone who isn’t a trade lawyer. When campaign groups created an easy-to-follow online response action, they were accused of “hijacking” the process.

On Tuesday, the Commission released its findings in full. They show that an enormous number of EU citizens responded to the consultation, more than any consultation in history, as well as nearly 450 businesses, campaign organisations, think tanks and trade unions.

The analysis shows that this really is a battle between big business and the rest of us. The exclusion of public services is “strongly opposed by a significant number of business associations who want to see exceptions and limitations brought down to a minimum.”

Unsurprisingly, corporate giants like Chevron, Suez and Repsol, which have sued countries under similar investor protection, are fully supportive of those systems. Indeed some reject any weakening of a system which has allowed tobacco giant Philip Morris to sue Uruguay for putting health warnings on cigarette packets.

But even across the business world, there is no consensus. “[S]mall companies are more critical” – not surprising given small business is unlikely to have access to this world of corporate privilege.

UK: Cameron is all for it, we are all against it

The country generating most response to the EU (52,000 participants) is Britain. This is good, because the British government is pushing investor protection more than any other. Last year they intervened to make sure the Commission kept its nerve.

Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmström admitted on Tuesday that the “consultation clearly shows that there is a huge scepticism against the ISDS [investor protection] instrument”, but she will continue to try to work out a compromise nonetheless. This is deeply worrying because the last compromise made in the Canada-EU treaty (CETA) actually risks giving corporations more power.

The deal has been welcomed by veteran investment arbitrator Todd Weiler: “I love it, the new Canadian-EU treaty … we used to have to argue about all of those [foreign investor rights] … And now we have this great list. I just love it when they try to explain things.”

The Commission now embarks on further ‘consultation’. But they have been dealt a serious blow by campaigners from across Europe, who now need to get even more active.

Will the European Parliament step up to the mark?

The European Parliament will adopt a position on TTIP in May. Early signs are that this will be a real showdown and vitally important to whether or not TTIP passes into law.

German Social Democrat Bernd Lange from the trade committee, one of the most important parliamentarians on TTIP, wrote last month that everything important “can be attained in TTIP without the inclusion of ISDS provisions”.

The Environment Committee has been even more critical, worrying “that the TTIP and other mega trade deals are likely to reshape global trade rules and set new standards, while also being discriminatory … risking sidelining important issues for developing countries such as food security, agricultural subsidies and climate change mitigation”

2015 is the make or break year for TTIP, and the coming months are vitally important. To have any hope of stopping this corporate juggernaut, we need to win critical votes in the EU Parliament on TTIP and CETA.

 


 

Nick Dearden is director of Global Justice Now.

Creative Commons License

This article was originally published by openDemocracy under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 licence.

 




389224