Tag Archives: nuclear

Leaked Sellafield photos reveal ‘massive radioactive release’ threat Updated for 2026





The Ecologist has received a shocking set of leaked images showing decrepit and grossly inadequate storage facilities for high level nuclear waste at the Sellafield nuclear plant.

The images (right), from an anonymous source, show the state of spent nuclear fuel storage ponds that were commissioned in 1952, and used until the mid-1970’s as short term storage for spent fuel until it could be re-processed, producing plutonium for military use. However they were completely abandoned in the mid-1970s and have been left derelict for almost 40 years.

The photographs show cracked concrete tanks holding water contaminated with high levels of radiation, seagulls bathing on the water, broken equipment, a dangerous mess of discarded items on elevated walkways, and weeds growing around the tanks.

The fuel storage ponds, the largest measuring 20m wide, 150m long and 6m deep, are now completely packed with spent fuel in disastrously poor condition.

If the ponds drain, the spent fuel may spontaneously ignite

The ponds are now undergoing decommissioning in order to restore them to safe condition. But the process is fraught with danger – and nuclear expert John Large warns that massive and uncontrolled radioactive releases to the environment could occur.

“This pond is build above ground”, he said. “It’s like an concrete dock full of water. But the concrete is in dreadful condition, degraded and fractured, and if the ponds drain, the Magnox fuel will ignite and that would lead to a massive release of radioactive material.

“Looking at the photos I am very disturbed at the degraded and run down condition of the structures and support services. In my opinion there is a significant risk that the system could fail.”

“If you got a breach of the wall by accident or by terrorist attack, the Magnox fuel would burn. I would say there’s many hundreds of tonnes in there. It could give rise to a very big radioactive release. It’s not for me to make comparisons with Chernobyl or Fukushima, but it could certainly cause serious contamination over a wide area and for a very long time.”

State of fuel is ‘very unstable’

The ponds were abandoned after they were overwhelmed with spent fuel in 1974. This was the time of Prime Minster Edward Heath’s ‘three-day week’ when coal miners were on strike, causing fuel shortages in Britain’s power stations.

In order the ‘keep the lights on’, the UK’s fleet of nuclear power stations were run at full tilt, producing high volumes of spent fuel that the Sellafield re-processing facilities were unable to keep up with.

“During the three-day week they powered up the Magnox reactors to maximum, and so much fuel was coming into Sellafield that it overwhelmed the line, and stayed in the pool too long”, says Large.

“The magesium fuel rod coverings corroded due to the acidity in the ponds, and began to degrade and expose the nuclear fuel itself to the water, so they just lost control of the reprocessing line at a time when the ponds were crammed with intensely radioactive nuclear fuel.”

“This left the fuel in a very unstable condition, with actual nuclear fuel complete with uranium 238, 235 and all the fission products, in contact with water. The problem then is that you get corrosion with the formation of hydride salts which leads to swelling, outside cracks, and metal-air reactions”, said Large – who gave evidence on the topic to the House of Commons Environment Comittee in 1986.

The whole fuel ponds began to look like milk of magnesia, and what with the poor inventories that had been kept, no one even knew what was in there any more. Even the Euratom nuclear proliferation inspectors complained about it as there was by some estimates over a tonne of plutonium sitting there in the fuel rods and as sludge that was never properly accounded for.”

All part of Britain’s nuclear WMD programme

The two adjacent fuel storage ponds, which lie between the old Windscale nuclear piles, were part of the military plutonium production line using the Windscale spent fuel until the Windscale diasaster in 1957.

With the Windscale piles out of commission, they were then adapted to receive nuclear waste from civilian power stations such as Calder Hall and Hinkley Point.

The first pond in the plutonium production line is B30, which is open to the elements. From there underwater tunnels were used to convey the fuel-bearing skips to other ponds and silos within the adjacent building, where the fuel rods were ‘decanned’ from their cladding.

The fuel was then dissolved in concentrated acids in the B203 reprocessing plant, where the plutonium for Britain’s nuclear weapons programme was chemically separated using the PUREX process. Both ponds contain a mix of fuel, sludge, and other miscellaneous nuclear wastes.

Concrete is riddled with cracks

But in the 40 years since the ponds were abandoned, the entire system has broken down. Locks, gantries, lifts and valves are all broken, missing or seized up.

The concrete is riddled with cracks – including not just the ones that you can see, but also those out of sight in the connecting tunnels. The entire environment is far too radioactive for anyone to be able to enter.

The Nuclear Decommissioning Authority (NDA) has now started work on the ponds, but reassuring statements have been shown to be over-optimistic. “It’s very disturbing”, says Large. “They have been saying it was all under control, and they thought well cleared out. Now we know it’s not.”

However an important first stage has been completed – the ‘de-flocculation’ of the water so that it’s finally possible to see what’s there. This had previously been impossible due to particulate suspension and algal growth.

“For the first time in decades we can see down into the pond and see the contents, and it’s breathtaking!” comments Large. “It’s all thanks to the whistle blower that I’m looking at them. If the Euratom inspectors could see what we can see now, my there would have been a row! Maybe we should invite them back right now!”

A particlar problem arises from the sludge that has accummulated at the bottom of both ponds and skips, which requires especially careful handling. The sludge has to be kept under water in order to prevent its spontaneous ignition.

But it’s also essential to keep it undisturbed as if the sludges are resuspended into the main body of water, a part of the sludge will add into the surface ‘oil’ of fine particulates which can be released to the atmosphere with any surface water disturbance – giving rise to high radiation levels above the water.

This seriously complicates both the removal and packaging of the sludge itself, and of the fuel-containing skips.

The Ecologist has contacted the Office of Nuclear Regulation, the statutory nuclear safety regulator, with pressing questions about the safety of the site, safety plans in the event of water loss or radioactive release, and whether anyone will be prosecuted over the abandonment of the ponds in this highly dangerous condition.

We await their reply.

 

 

 




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NAO investigates Hinkley C nuclear subsidies Updated for 2026





The National Audit Office has begun an investigation into the controversial subsidy regime for the planned new Hinkley Point C nuclear plant in Somerset, a week after Brussels approved taxpayer support for the project.

The financial watchdog, which scrutinises public spending on behalf of parliament, said it would be checking whether the guaranteed prices of £92.50 a megawatt hour – double the current cost of electricity – represented ‘value for money’.

The NAO move, which follows pressure from a House of Commons committee, puts pressure on the government but has pleased green groups which believe nuclear is getting preferential treatment over windfarms.

NAO: ‘We wish to identify lessons learned’

“Our work will cover the Department of Energy and Climate Change’s commercial approach to securing this deal and the proposed terms of the contract, to report to parliament on value for money and the resulting risks which the Department must manage”, said the NAO in a formal statement.

“We will also wish to identify lessons learned to inform decisions on future ‘contracts for difference'”, it added – referring to the new funding mechanism for Hinkley and other low-carbon energy projects.

Last week the European Commission approved the subsidy scheme, citing government concessions on the project’s funding structure.

The parliamentary Environmental Audit Committee (EAC) had called this week for the NAO to hold a full inquiry into the government’s deal.

Joan Walley, the committee’s chair, said the “process and outcome” of the deal, as well as whether it represents value for money, should be investigated by the UK authorities now that it has been approved by Brussels.

DECC: ‘This is all perfectly ordinary’

A DECC spokesperson said: “This month the Commission agreed that Hinkley represents a good deal for both bill-payers and investors.

“It’s perfectly ordinary for the NAO to look into large investment contracts and we will be working with them as we move closer to finalising the contract. We will not go ahead with any contract unless it is good value for money.”

John Sauven, the executive director of Greenpeace UK, welcomed the NAO decision, saying: “The stitch-up concocted in Brussels will see two generations of UK consumers locked into paying billions of pounds to a mainly state-owned corporation in France in order to bankroll an outdated and risky source of energy.

“This is an extraordinarily bad use of public funds and ministers will have a tough time trying to justify it. This money would be better spent on clean technologies and energy saving measures, which don’t leave a legacy of radioactive waste, and benefit the UK economy while reducing carbon emissions.”

A legal challenge is being prepared

The decision by the NAO comes just days after Ecotricity and other renewable energy firms said they were considering a legal challenge against the Hinkley financing package.

Ecotricity, a wind farm operator and energy retailer, and Solarcentury, a solar power business, said the European Commission was wrong to conclude the Hinkley C aid would not be detrimental to other low-carbon power producers.

Hinkley C – a twin 1.6GW reactor nuclear power plant planned for Hinkley Point in Somerset – has been set a funding scheme paid for by consumers that will last for 35 years, much longer than any previous schemes enjoyed by renewables companies.

But EDF, which will build and Hinkley Point C, has defended the funding. It said: “Last week’s approval from the European commission demonstrates that agreements between the government and EDF are fair and balanced for consumers and investors alike.”

 


 

Terry Macalister is energy editor of the Guardian. He has been employed at the paper and website for 12 years and previously worked for the Independent and other national titles.

This article was originally published by The Guardian. It is republished by kind permission via the Guardian Environment Network.

 




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Nuclear power trumps democracy Updated for 2026





Why is our democracy failing to tackle the horrific urgency of the climate crisis and the decimation of our eco-systems?

And why are all the main political parties betting the farm on nuclear power in spite of its madhouse economics – and against all their promises to either oppose nuclear power altogether, or to refuse subsidies for it?

In my new book, The Prostitute State – How Britain’s Democracy Has Been Bought, I set out my view that there is a single problem at the root of our nation’s difficulties.

A corporate elite have hijacked the pillars of Britain’s democracy. The production of thought, the dissemination of thought, the implementation of thought and the wealth arising from those thoughts, are now controlled by a tiny, staggeringly rich elite.

As a result the UK is no longer a functioning democracy but has become a  ‘Prostitute State’ built on four pillars: a corrupted political system, a prostituted media, a perverted academia and a thieving tax-haven system.

This has disastrously resulted in a flood of wealth from the poor and middle classes to the top 1%. This stolen wealth is built on the destruction of the planet’s ecosystems, which are essential for humanity’s survival.

Nuclear power defeats democracy

The reversal of government policy on nuclear power is a classic example of how the Prostitute State trumps democracy. Betrayed environmental activists must understand that – notwithstanding the noble form of democratic structures – what they are really up against is a corrupt corporate state.

The concept of lobbying is reasonably well known, but few of us understand how far lobbying has penetrated and hijacked the political parties themselves.

For example, most people are perplexed at how the nuclear industry managed to persuade the UK’s previous Labour government to build a fleet of hugely expensive experimental nuclear power stations on land prone to flooding from rising sea levels.

They also struggle to comprehend and why Labour’s shadow energy and climate change minister, Caroline Flint MP, having stated that she would only support nuclear power if built without public subsidies, now supports the £15-20 billion subsidy package for Hinkley C nuclear power station

Labour managed managed this policy U-Turn despite the Three Mile Island, Chernobyl and Fukushima nuclear catastrophes; the failure to find safe waste-disposal sites capable of protecting radioactive waste for over 100,000 years; and insurance companies’ point blank refusal to provide nuclear accident insurance.

It’s the money, stupid

My simple answer is that the nuclear industry has poured millions of pounds year after year into a massive political lobbying campaign.

They bought a whole swathe of senior ex-politicians to work as nuclear lobbyists, spent a fortune on trying to manipulate public opinion through media and advertising, and even funded school trips to their nuclear plants.

As they managed to persuade a Labour government to abandon their 1997 election manifesto commitment to oppose new nuclear power stations, it is crucial to understand how deeply the nuclear lobby is embedded in the Labour party.

My personal belief is that a complex web of financial interests ensured that the Labour government served the nuclear industry – no matter what Labour party members or the British public wanted.

Just consider for example the following list of Labour Party politicians:

  • Former Energy Minister Brian Wilson became a non-executive director of Amec Nuclear, a client of BNFL, a nuclear operator.
  • Former Energy Minister Helen Liddell was hired to provide “strategic advice” by the nuclear corporation British Energy.
  • Former Secretary of State John Hutton, who as Business Secretary published the government White Paper announcing government plans to build new nuclear stations, was appointed Chair of the Nuclear Industry Association in 2011. He also joined the advisory board of US nuclear corporation Hyperion Power Generation in July 2010.
  • Colin Byrne, the Labour Party’s former chief press officer, headed up lobbying giant Weber Shandwick’s UK arm, which BNFL hired to lobby for new nuclear plants.
  • Gordon Brown’s brother, Andrew, was nuclear giant EdF’s head of media relations in the UK.
  • Yvette Cooper was the Planning Minister who introduced fast-track planning for nuclear power stations. Her father was chair of nuclear lobbyists The Nuclear Industry Association and is director of the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority.
  • Alan Donnelly, former leader of the Labour MEPs, runs the lobbying company Sovereign Strategy, which represented US nuclear engineering giant Fluor. His website promised “pathways to the decision makers in national governments”.
  • Former Labour Minister Jack Cunningham was legislative chair of the Transatlantic Nuclear Energy Forum, an organisation founded by lobbyist Alan Donnelly to foster “strong relationships” between nuclear power companies and governments.
  • The Tory Peer Lady Maitland was a paid member of Sovereign Strategy’s board.
  • Donnelly funded Labour leadership contender David Miliband’s constituency office refurbishment.
  • David Sainsbury, Labour Minister for Science from 1998 to 2006 told the House of Lords that he regarded nuclear power as a form of renewable energy.
  • Ed Miliband’s barrister wife Justine Thornton advised EdF Energy on its Development Consent Order for a new nuclear plant at Hinkley Point.

Of course I cannot say that the financial links of any individual with the nuclear industry had any bearing on the party’s change in policy. However this wholesale hiring of senior Labour Party figures by the nuclear lobby may have been influential in the fact that a number of key aims were achieved over the last ten years:

  • the reversal of Labour’s commitment to rule out new nuclear power stations.
  • Labour ministers’ introduction of a fast-track planning process for new nuclear plants without lengthy inquiries.


The saintly Lib Dems …

It is also noteworthy that whilst governments across the world were abandoning nuclear power after the Fukushima disaster, the new Tory / Lib Dem coalition abandoned their manifesto commitments to provide no public subsidy for new nuclear, by guaranteeing multi-billion pound annual subsidies.

The Tory / Lib Dem government also made the taxpayer liable for nuclear disaster costs, after the private insurers refused to do so – as just one catastrophic accident would bankrupt most global insurance companies.

    To understand the comparative power of political lobbying versus voting at elections, you need to realise that the final two aims above were achieved despite the Lib Dems having for decades supposedly opposed nuclear power and the Tories having opposed nuclear subsidies in the 2010 general election.

    I was never convinced by the Lib Dem leadership’s opposition to nuclear power after it successfully, in the late ’90s, squashed the adoption in policy papers of the phrase “a renewable energy economy” that I had proposed to replace “a low carbon economy” which they favoured.

    The latter of course allowed the switch to a pro-nuclear policy once the Lib Dems were in government.

    The prominent Lib Dem MP Ed Davey stood for election opposing nuclear energy, but as Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change, he became nuclear power’s chief cheerleader – announcing that the government’s entire industrial strategy was now based on new nuclear!

    The UK government is already spending the equivalent of 93% of the Department of Energy and Climate Change’s entire annual budget on nuclear subsidies! This was achieved despite polls indicating overwhelming support by the public for renewable energy over nuclear power.

    Lib Dem nuclear links

    Ed Davey’s brother, Henry Davey, works for the global law firm Herbert Smith Freehills which has advised EdF on its purchase of nuclear plants and the development application for a new nuclear plant at Hinkley Point.

    Also Lib Dem peer Tim Clement-Jones, Nick Clegg’s Party Treasurer at the last general election and the Party’s spokesman on culture and sport in the House of Lords, is founder and chairman of Global Government Relations, the lobbying arm of the huge multinational law firm DLA Piper, and serves as DLA Piper’s London Managing Partner.

    DLA Piper is listed as a member of the Nuclear Industry Association, and boasts of its widespread experience with many nuclear industry companies. According to its website it

    • advised AREVA SA on their investment in New Nuclear Build at Hinkley Point C including the new Contract for Difference regime, waste management strategy and HM Treasury Infrastructure Guarantee Scheme.
    • advised Sellafield Limited on all aspects of their waste management and decommissioning programme covering annual capital spend of £1billion.
    • is advising the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority on the application of the International Nuclear Liability Conventions in respect of the marine transport of high level radioactive waste from Europe to Japan.
    • is advising nuclear supply chain on tendering exercises in support of new nuclear build in the UK.
    • is advising Westinghouse, Nuclear Decommissioning Authority, Magnox Limited and International Nuclear Services Limited on all aspects of fuel supply contracts, enrichment, waste management and radioactive transportation in support of activities in UK and globally.

    Of course this could all be complete coincidence and we cannot conclude that Lord Clement-Jones had any influence on Lib Dem policy changes as regards nuclear power.

    But what we do know is that Davey won the battle yesterday at the European Commission to overthrow the Commission’s previous ban on state aid for new nuclear power, following intense political and industry lobbying of the 28 Commissioners.

    Thus the Lib Dems’ legacy will be to have thrown open the floodgates to new nuclear power right across Europe, despite their election manifesto having promised to oppose it.

     


     

    Donnachadh McCarthy FRSA is a former Deputy Chair of the Liberal Democrats. He can be reached via his website 3acorns.

    This article is based on an extract from Donnachadh McCarthy’s new book ‘The Prostitute State – How Britain’s Democracy Has Been Bought‘. 

    Copies of ‘The Prostitute State – How Britain’s Democracy Has Been Bought‘ are available from theprostitutestate.co.uk.

    E-book version available from www.Lulu.com.

     

     




    365529

Hinkley C gets the go-ahead – but will it prove a dodgy nuclear deal too far? Updated for 2026





The European Commission has just voted today to allow the UK to subsidise two new EDF nuclear reactors at Hinkley Point C to the tune of £20 billion.

This sets an important precedent, and will have consequences not just in UK but also throughout the EU. If the UK can throw billions at subsidising nuclear, then countries throughout the EU could do the same.

Given there’s only so much money to go round, if nuclear power is allowed to grab a huge share of the European energy finance pot, that will seriously diminish the funds available to develop the renewable energy revolution.

At least we now know that this is indeed a subsidy paid for by public money. The UK Government had contrived a position, by which they argued that the support for Hinkley C would not be a subsidy if it was also available to other low carbon technologies, including of course renewables.

But the subsidies the UK is determined to dole out with such largesse to EDF are not available to renewable energy. In particular renewable energy support contracts typically last for 15 or 20 years – compared to the 35-year contract on offer to EDF.

UK’s billions will compensate EDF, no matter what

This is compounded by a new agreement between Ed Davey, the Secretary of State, and EDF which now allow direct compensation from DECC to EDF if the project runs over-cost or if future UK governments or environmental conditions derail the project.

EDF is building two reactors in Finland and France, and they are both hugely over-cost and over-time. EDF’s Flamanville reactor in France was due to be completed by 2012 at a cost of €3.3 billion, but is now projected for completion in 2016 at a cost of €8.5 billion.

Finland’s Olkiluoto-3 reactor, the first EPR construction project, is likely to be a decade behind schedule upon delivery, with a projected completion date of 2018. Construction of the 1.6GW plant began in 2005 and was originally due for completion in 2009. Cost figures are similar to those for Flamanville.

There is no reason to believe that Hinkley C, with its two 1.6GW reactors, will perform any better. This puts the UK tax payer as well as the energy consumer on the hook for the enormous costs of Hinkley Point, already the most expensive nuclear power station in the world on official estimates.

A rushed decision under pressure – strengthens case for legal challen​ge

Earlier this year, The Commission published a landmark report which detailed at great length a substantive set of concerns with the deal.

Originally, the Commission said that UK State Aid for nuclear would distort the EU and UK energy markets, precisely because it shields nuclear from financial risks that other energy operators are subject to.

The Commission also doubted that the level of profit for the UK deal was a reasonable rate of return taking into account the level of risk involved.

Furthermore, it said, UK subsidies would provide the certainty of a stable revenue stream under lenient conditions by eliminating market risks from the commercial activity of nuclear electricity generation for the amazingly long 35-year contract period.

As the Commission said in it’s original report: “Nuclear energy generation has the capacity to crowd out alternative investments in technologies or combinations of technologies, including renewable energy sources, which are likely to emerge in the absence of specific UK State Aid subsidies for new nuclear.”

Now the Commission has performed a 180 degree volte face. But it’s not because the facts of the case have changed. It’s the result of enormous political and industry pressure.

Why now – at the tail end of a Commission that’s run out of steam?

The timing of the decision also warrants attention, coming as it does right at the tail end of Barroso’s increasingly discredited Commission. The outgoing administration simply rushed it through at the last moment. And it only got its way by a narrow margin, with the support of just 16 Commissioners out of 28.

Among those raising concerns ahead of today’s meeting were Connie Hedegaard, Climate Commissioner, and Environment Commission Janez Potocnik. Regional Policy Commissioner Johannes Hahn, from Austria, expressed outright opposition.

The decision deprives the new Commission the opportunity to review and reflect on a decision which will set a significant precedent for pan-EU energy and competition policy. That this decision has been taken in undue haste only strengthens the grounds for, and likely success of, a legal challenge, and one is current,y being prepared by Austria.

Also, the EC decision document refers to a significant body of new evidence from the UK and EDF, yet there is no access to this information – which means that it is impossible to check its veracity, or challenge the arguments made.

Since it is this evidence that has – so we are told – persuaded the Commission to change its mind, it should be made public to make sure it can be properly scrutinised and validated.

We do know that the ‘strike price’ of £92.50 per megawatt hour, guaranteed and inflation-proofed for for 35 years remains in place. But Commission Vice-President Joaquin Almunia assures us that the revised deal includes ‘profit-sharing’ provisions that will limit the gains to EDF and return them to tax payers:

“After the Commission’s intervention, the UK measures in favour of Hinkley Point nuclear power station have been significantly modified, limiting any distortions of competition in the single market.

“These modifications will also achieve significant savings for UK taxpayers. On this basis and after a thorough investigation, the Commission can now conclude that the support is compatible with EU state aid rules.”

But until the whole deal is published, we simply cannot tell if this represents a great victory for the British public – or a dodgy under-the-table political fix.

Molly Scott Cato, Green MEP for Southwest England, clearly believes the latter: “It is a scandal that one of the final acts of the Barroso Commission is to turn a blind eye to the illegality of the Hinkley deal as some kind of quid pro quo for Germany’s renewable energy support scheme.”

Why is this a European issue?

Distorting nuclear subsidies in the UK will have a big impact across the whole EU electricity market. Increased renewable energy ‘pooling’ between countries will mean much more European-wide balancing to match supply and demand on a continental scale.

For example, solar power in Germany and southern Europe, hydro electric power in Norway and Sweden, and wind in the west may all produce local surpluses that can be transmitted afar to reduce fossil fuel burning on the far side of Europe.

But with very big nuclear subsidies, the market for renewable technologies will be reduced. And the inflexible output of nuclear power stations will increase the difficulty of establishing new renewable generation capacity, and pooling its output, across the whole EU – not just in the UK.

If the precedent is accepted for nuclear specific subsidies in the UK, then other countries are likely to follow the UK’s lead – beginning with Poland and the Czech Republic.

We will challenge this disgraceful decision

A number high-level energy sector people and I are working with a large set of pan-EU and pan-UK energy associations, corporations and small companies who will be significantly – and negatively – affected by this decision.

We are convinced that this state aid will distort the UK and pan-EU energy market, and that, in any case, subsidies should not be provided to a mature technology like nuclear power – a point argued by the Commission argued in its original report.

We now intend to join Austria and press a legal challenge through the EU Court of Justice. In consultation with our legal team we have identified key criteria that will allow us to challenge the legality of this decision.

We argue that the decision by the European Commission to allow a support mechanism for new nuclear installations from public funds and guarantees will directly impact investment plans and business strategies in the UK and across Europe.

Those adversely affected include renewable energy generators, installers, equipment manufacturers, other efficient technology providers, fitters of insulation and other energy saving equipment, and investors in decentralized renewable energy projects.

Do we feel lucky today?

But at root, the argument is all about what we want – a plutonium economy, or a renewable one? In the UK and across Europe, public opinion is firmly on the side of renewables, and against nuclear power – all the more so following the triple nuclear reactor meltdown at Fukushima, Japan.

Maybe the question we need to ask ourselves is, ‘do we feel lucky?’ Because if we opt for a nuclear future, we had better be feeling very lucky, indeed.

 


 

Dr Paul Dorfman is a Senior Researcher at the Energy Institute UCL, Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust Nuclear Policy Research Fellow; Founder of the Nuclear Consulting Group, Member, European Nuclear Energy Forum Transparency and Risk Working Groups, served as Secretary to the UK government scientific advisory Committee Examining Radiation Risks from Internal Emitters.

Paul is also ‘Expert’ to the European Economic and Social Committee Opinion: ‘European Energy Dialogue: Towards a European Energy Community’, and led the European Environment Agency response to Fukushima in ‘Late Lessons from Early Warnings’ Vol 2.

Subscribe to Daily Nuclear News.

 

 




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‘New’ reactor types are all nuclear pie in the sky Updated for 2026





Some nuclear enthusiasts and lobbyists favour non-existent Integral Fast Reactors, others favour non-existent Liquid Fluoride Thorium Reactors, others favour non-existent Pebble Bed Modular Reactors, others favour non-existent fusion reactors. And on it goes.

Two to three decades ago, the nuclear industry promised a new generation of gee-whiz ‘Generation IV’ reactors in two to three decades. That’s what they’re still saying now, and that’s what they’ll be saying two to three decades from now. The Generation IV International Forum website states:

“It will take at least two or three decades before the deployment of commercial Gen IV systems. In the meantime, a number of prototypes will need to be built and operated. The Gen IV concepts currently under investigation are not all on the same timeline and some might not even reach the stage of commercial exploitation.”

The World Nuclear Association notes that “progress is seen as slow, and several potential designs have been undergoing evaluation on paper for many years.”

Integral Fast Reactors … it gets ugly moving from blueprint to backyard

Integral Fast Reactors (IFRs) are a case in point. According to the lobbyists they are ready to roll, will be cheap to build and operate, couldn’t be used to feed WMD proliferation, etc. The US and UK governments have been analysing the potential of IFRs.

The UK government found that:

  • the facilities have not been industrially demonstrated;
  • waste disposal issues remain unresolved and could be further complicated if it is deemed necessary to remove sodium from spent fuel to facilitate disposal; and
  • little could be ascertained about cost since General Electric Hitachi refuses to release estimates of capital and operating costs, saying they are “commercially sensitive”.

The US government has also considered the use of IFRs (which it calls Advanced Disposition Reactors – ADR) to manage US plutonium stockpiles and concluded that:

  • the ADR approach would be more than twice as expensive as all the other options under consideration;
  • it would take 18 years to construct an ADR and associated facilities; and
  • the ADR option is associated with “significant technical risk”.

Unsurprisingly, the IFR rhetoric doesn’t match the sober assessments of the UK and US governments. As nuclear engineer Dave Lochbaum from the Union of Concerned
Scientists puts it:

“The IFR looks good on paper. So good, in fact, that we should leave it on paper. For it only gets ugly in moving from blueprint to backyard.”

Small Modular Reactors … no-one actually wants to buy one

In any case, IFRs are yesterday’s news. Now it’s all about Small Modular Reactors (SMRs). The Energy Green Paper recently released by the Australian government is typical of the small-is-beautiful rhetoric:

“The main development in technology since 2006 has been further work on Small Modular Reactors (SMRs). SMRs have the potential to be flexibly deployed, as they are a simpler ‘plug-in’ technology that does not require the same level of operating skills and access to water as traditional, large reactors.”

The rhetoric doesn’t match reality. Interest in SMRs is on the wane. Thus Thomas W. Overton, associate editor of POWER magazine, wrote in a recent article:

“At the graveyard wherein resides the “nuclear renaissance” of the 2000s, a new occupant appears to be moving in: the small modular reactor (SMR). … Over the past year, the SMR industry has been bumping up against an uncomfortable and not-entirely-unpredictable problem: It appears that no one actually wants to buy one.”

Overton notes that in 2013, MidAmerican Energy scuttled plans to build an SMR-based plant in Iowa. This year, Babcock & Wilcox scaled back much of its SMR program and sacked 100 workers in its SMR division. Westinghouse has abandoned its SMR program. As he explains:

“The problem has really been lurking in the idea behind SMRs all along. The reason conventional nuclear plants are built so large is the economies of scale: Big plants can produce power less expensively per kilowatt-hour than smaller ones.

“The SMR concept disdains those economies of scale in favor of others: large-scale standardized manufacturing that will churn out dozens, if not hundreds, of identical plants, each of which would ultimately produce cheaper kilowatt-hours than large one-off designs.

“It’s an attractive idea. But it’s also one that depends on someone building that massive supply chain, since none of it currently exists. … That money would presumably come from customer orders – if there were any. Unfortunately, the SMR “market” doesn’t exist in a vacuum.

“SMRs must compete with cheap natural gas, renewables that continue to decline in cost, and storage options that are rapidly becoming competitive. Worse, those options are available for delivery now, not at the end of a long, uncertain process that still lacks [US Nuclear Regulatory Commission] approval.”

Can’t find customers, can’t find investors

Dr Mark Cooper, Senior Fellow for Economic Analysis at the Institute for Energy and the Environment, Vermont Law School, notes that two US corporations are pulling out of SMR development because they cannot find customers (Westinghouse) or major investors (Babcock and Wilcox). Cooper points to some economic constraints:

“SMR technology will suffer disproportionately from material cost increases because they use more material per MW of capacity. Higher costs will result from: lost economies of scale; higher operating costs; and higher decommissioning costs. Cost estimates that assume quick design approval and deployment are certain to prove to be wildly optimistic.”

Academics M.V. Ramana and Zia Mian state in their detailed analysis of SMRs: “Proponents of the development and large scale deployment of small modular reactors suggest that this approach to nuclear power technology and fuel cycles can resolve the four key problems facing nuclear power today: costs, safety, waste, and proliferation.

“Nuclear developers and vendors seek to encode as many if not all of these priorities into the designs of their specific nuclear reactor. The technical reality, however, is that each of these priorities can drive the requirements on the reactor design in different, sometimes opposing, directions.

“Of the different major SMR designs under development, it seems none meets all four of these challenges simultaneously. In most, if not all designs, it is likely that addressing one of the four problems will involve choices that make one or more of the other problems worse.”

The future is in … decommissioning

Likewise, Kennette Benedict, Executive Director of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, states: “Without a clear-cut case for their advantages, it seems that small nuclear modular reactors are a solution looking for a problem.

“Of course in the world of digital innovation, this kind of upside-down relationship between solution and problem is pretty normal. Smart phones, Twitter, and high-definition television all began as solutions looking for problems.

“In the realm of nuclear technology, however, the enormous expense required to launch a new model as well as the built-in dangers of nuclear fission require a more straightforward relationship between problem and solution.

“Small modular nuclear reactors may be attractive, but they will not, in themselves, offer satisfactory solutions to the most pressing problems of nuclear energy: high cost, safety, and weapons proliferation.”

And as Westinghouse CEO Danny Roderick said in January: “The problem I have with SMRs is not the technology, it’s not the deployment – it’s that there’s no customers.”

Instead of going for SMRs, IFRs, Pebble Bed Reactors or thorium technologies, Westinghouse is looking to triple the one area where it really does have customers: its decommissioning business. “We see this as a $1 billion-per-year business for us”, Roderick said.

With the world’s fleet of mostly middle-aged reactors inexorably becoming a fleet of mostly ageing, decrepit reactors, Westinghouse is getting ahead of the game.

The writing is on the wall

Some SMR R&D work continues but it all seems to be leading to the conclusions mentioned above. Argentina is ahead of the rest, with construction underway on a 27 MWe reactor – but the cost equates to an astronomical US$15.2 billion per 1,000 MWe. Argentina’s expertise with reactor technology stems from its covert weapons program from the 1960s to the early 1980s.

So work continues on SMRs but the writing’s on the wall and it’s time for the nuclear lobby to come up with another gee-whiz next-gen fail-safe reactor type to promote … perhaps a giant fusion reactor located out of harm’s way, 150 million kilometres from Earth.

And while the ‘small is beautiful’ approach is faltering, so too is the ‘bigger is better’ mantra. The 1,600 MW Olkiluoto-3 European Pressurized Reactor (EPR) under construction in Finland is nine years behind schedule (and counting) and US$6.9 billion over-budget (and counting).

The UK is embarking on a hotly-contested plan to build two 1,600 MW EPRs at Hinkley Point with a capital cost of US$26 billion and mind-boggling public subsidies.

Economic consulting firm Liberum Capital said Hinkley Point will be “both the most expensive power station in the world and also the plant with the longest construction period.”

 


 

Dr Jim Green is the national nuclear campaigner with Friends of the Earth Australia and editor of the Nuclear Monitor newsletter. Nuclear Monitor is published 20 times a year. It has been publishing deeply researched, often strongly critical articles on all aspects of the nuclear cycle since 1978. A must-read for all those who work on this issue!

 

 




384864

‘New’ reactor types are all nuclear pie in the sky Updated for 2026





Some nuclear enthusiasts and lobbyists favour non-existent Integral Fast Reactors, others favour non-existent Liquid Fluoride Thorium Reactors, others favour non-existent Pebble Bed Modular Reactors, others favour non-existent fusion reactors. And on it goes.

Two to three decades ago, the nuclear industry promised a new generation of gee-whiz ‘Generation IV’ reactors in two to three decades. That’s what they’re still saying now, and that’s what they’ll be saying two to three decades from now. The Generation IV International Forum website states:

“It will take at least two or three decades before the deployment of commercial Gen IV systems. In the meantime, a number of prototypes will need to be built and operated. The Gen IV concepts currently under investigation are not all on the same timeline and some might not even reach the stage of commercial exploitation.”

The World Nuclear Association notes that “progress is seen as slow, and several potential designs have been undergoing evaluation on paper for many years.”

Integral Fast Reactors … it gets ugly moving from blueprint to backyard

Integral Fast Reactors (IFRs) are a case in point. According to the lobbyists they are ready to roll, will be cheap to build and operate, couldn’t be used to feed WMD proliferation, etc. The US and UK governments have been analysing the potential of IFRs.

The UK government found that:

  • the facilities have not been industrially demonstrated;
  • waste disposal issues remain unresolved and could be further complicated if it is deemed necessary to remove sodium from spent fuel to facilitate disposal; and
  • little could be ascertained about cost since General Electric Hitachi refuses to release estimates of capital and operating costs, saying they are “commercially sensitive”.

The US government has also considered the use of IFRs (which it calls Advanced Disposition Reactors – ADR) to manage US plutonium stockpiles and concluded that:

  • the ADR approach would be more than twice as expensive as all the other options under consideration;
  • it would take 18 years to construct an ADR and associated facilities; and
  • the ADR option is associated with “significant technical risk”.

Unsurprisingly, the IFR rhetoric doesn’t match the sobre assessments of the UK and US governments. As nuclear engineer Dave Lochbaum from the Union of Concerned
Scientists puts it:

“The IFR looks good on paper. So good, in fact, that we should leave it on paper. For it only gets ugly in moving from blueprint to backyard.”

Small Modular Reactors … no-one actually wants to buy one

In any case, IFRs are yesterday’s news. Now it’s all about Small Modular Reactors (SMRs). The Energy Green Paper recently released by the Australian government is typical of the small-is-beautiful rhetoric:

“The main development in technology since 2006 has been further work on Small Modular Reactors (SMRs). SMRs have the potential to be flexibly deployed, as they are a simpler ‘plug-in’ technology that does not require the same level of operating skills and access to water as traditional, large reactors.”

The rhetoric doesn’t match reality. Interest in SMRs is on the wane. Thus Thomas W. Overton, associate editor of POWER magazine, wrote in a recent article:

“At the graveyard wherein resides the “nuclear renaissance” of the 2000s, a new occupant appears to be moving in: the small modular reactor (SMR). … Over the past year, the SMR industry has been bumping up against an uncomfortable and not-entirely-unpredictable problem: It appears that no one actually wants to buy one.”

Overton notes that in 2013, MidAmerican Energy scuttled plans to build an SMR-based plant in Iowa. This year, Babcock & Wilcox scaled back much of its SMR program and sacked 100 workers in its SMR division. Westinghouse has abandoned its SMR program. As he explains:

“The problem has really been lurking in the idea behind SMRs all along. The reason conventional nuclear plants are built so large is the economies of scale: Big plants can produce power less expensively per kilowatt-hour than smaller ones.

“The SMR concept disdains those economies of scale in favor of others: large-scale standardized manufacturing that will churn out dozens, if not hundreds, of identical plants, each of which would ultimately produce cheaper kilowatt-hours than large one-off designs.

“It’s an attractive idea. But it’s also one that depends on someone building that massive supply chain, since none of it currently exists. … That money would presumably come from customer orders – if there were any. Unfortunately, the SMR “market” doesn’t exist in a vacuum.

“SMRs must compete with cheap natural gas, renewables that continue to decline in cost, and storage options that are rapidly becoming competitive. Worse, those options are available for delivery now, not at the end of a long, uncertain process that still lacks [US Nuclear Regulatory Commission] approval.”

Can’t find customers, can’t find investors

Dr Mark Cooper, Senior Fellow for Economic Analysis at the Institute for Energy and the Environment, Vermont Law School, notes that two US corporations are pulling out of SMR development because they cannot find customers (Westinghouse) or major investors (Babcock and Wilcox). Cooper points to some economic constraints:

“SMR technology will suffer disproportionately from material cost increases because they use more material per MW of capacity. Higher costs will result from: lost economies of scale; higher operating costs; and higher decommissioning costs. Cost estimates that assume quick design approval and deployment are certain to prove to be wildly optimistic.”

Academics M.V. Ramana and Zia Mian state in their detailed analysis of SMRs: “Proponents of the development and large scale deployment of small modular reactors suggest that this approach to nuclear power technology and fuel cycles can resolve the four key problems facing nuclear power today: costs, safety, waste, and proliferation.

“Nuclear developers and vendors seek to encode as many if not all of these priorities into the designs of their specific nuclear reactor. The technical reality, however, is that each of these priorities can drive the requirements on the reactor design in different, sometimes opposing, directions.

“Of the different major SMR designs under development, it seems none meets all four of these challenges simultaneously. In most, if not all designs, it is likely that addressing one of the four problems will involve choices that make one or more of the other problems worse.”

The future is in … decommissioning

Likewise, Kennette Benedict, Executive Director of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, states: “Without a clear-cut case for their advantages, it seems that small nuclear modular reactors are a solution looking for a problem.

“Of course in the world of digital innovation, this kind of upside-down relationship between solution and problem is pretty normal. Smart phones, Twitter, and high-definition television all began as solutions looking for problems.

“In the realm of nuclear technology, however, the enormous expense required to launch a new model as well as the built-in dangers of nuclear fission require a more straightforward relationship between problem and solution.

“Small modular nuclear reactors may be attractive, but they will not, in themselves, offer satisfactory solutions to the most pressing problems of nuclear energy: high cost, safety, and weapons proliferation.”

And as Westinghouse CEO Danny Roderick said in January: “The problem I have with SMRs is not the technology, it’s not the deployment – it’s that there’s no customers.”

Instead of going for SMRs, IFRs, Pebble Bed Reactors or thorium technologies, Westinghouse is looking to triple the one area where it really does have customers: its decommissioning business. “We see this as a $1 billion-per-year business for us”, Roderick said.

With the world’s fleet of mostly middle-aged reactors inexorably becoming a fleet of mostly ageing, decrepit reactors, Westinghouse is getting ahead of the game.

The writing is on the wall

Some SMR R&D work continues but it all seems to be leading to the conclusions mentioned above. Argentina is ahead of the rest, with construction underway on a 27 MWe reactor – but the cost equates to an astronomical US$15.2 billion per 1,000 MWe. Argentina’s expertise with reactor technology stems from its covert weapons program from the 1960s to the early 1980s.

So work continues on SMRs but the writing’s on the wall and it’s time for the nuclear lobby to come up with another gee-whiz next-gen fail-safe reactor type to promote … perhaps a giant fusion reactor located out of harm’s way, 150 million kilometres from Earth.

And while the ‘small is beautiful’ approach is faltering, so too is the ‘bigger is better’ mantra. The 1,600 MW Olkiluoto-3 European Pressurized Reactor (EPR) under construction in Finland is nine years behind schedule (and counting) and US$6.9 billion over-budget (and counting).

The UK is embarking on a hotly-contested plan to build two 1,600 MW EPRs at Hinkley Point with a capital cost of US$26 billion and mind-boggling public subsidies.

Economic consulting firm Liberum Capital said Hinkley Point will be “both the most expensive power station in the world and also the plant with the longest construction period.”

 


 

Dr Jim Green is the national nuclear campaigner with Friends of the Earth Australia and editor of the Nuclear Monitor newsletter. Nuclear Monitor is published 20 times a year. It has been publishing deeply researched, often strongly critical articles on all aspects of the nuclear cycle since 1978. A must-read for all those who work on this issue!

 

 




384864

Radioactive spikes from nuclear plants – a likely cause of childhood leukemia Updated for 2026





On 23rd August, The Ecologist published very clear evidence of increased cancers among children living near nuclear power stations around the world, including the UK.

The story sparked much interest on social media sites, and perhaps more importantly, the article’s scientific basis (published in the academic peer-reviewed scientific journal the Journal of Environmental Radioactivity) was downloaded over 500 times by scientists.

Given this level of interest and the fact that the UK government is still pressing ahead with its bizarre plans for more nuclear stations, we return to this matter – and examine in more detail an important aspect which has hitherto received little attention: massive spikes in emissions from nuclear reactors.

Refueling releases a huge radioactive emissions plume

Operating nuclear power plants (NPPs) contain large volumes of radioactive gases at high pressures and temperatures. When their reactors are depressurised and opened to refuel every 12-18 months, these gases escape creating a spiked emission and a large radioactive plume downwind of the station lasting for 12 hours or so.

However the emissions and plumes are invisible, and no advance warning is ever given of these spikes. The public is effectively kept in the dark about them, despite their possible health dangers.

For years, I had tried to obtain data on these spikes, but ever since the start of the nuclear era back in 1956, governments and nuclear power operators have been extremely loath to divulge this data.

Only annual emissions are made public and these effectively disguise the spikes. No data is ever given on daily or hourly emissions.

Is this important? Yes: these spikes could help answer a question which has puzzled the public and radiation protection agencies for decades – the reason for the large increases in childhood leukemias near NPPs all over the world.

Governments have insisted that these increased leukemias could not be caused by radioactive emissions from NPPs as their estimated radiation doses were ~1,000 times too low. But these don’t take the time patterns of radioactive emissions into account, and so are riddled with uncertainties.

500 times more radiation released than during normal operation

This situation lasted until September 2011, when the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW) in Germany released a press notice. For the very first time anywhere in the world, data on half-hourly releases of radioactive noble gases from an NPP were made public.

This is shown in the chart (above right) below for 7 days in September 2011. These data were from Gundremmingen NPP -in Bavaria, Southern Germany.

The chart showed that the normal emission concentration (of noble gases) during the rest of the year was about 3 kBq/m³ (see squiggly line along the bottom on September 19 and 20) , but during refuelling on September 22 and 23 this sharply increased to ~700 kBq/m³ with a peak of 1,470 kBq/m³: in other words, a spike.

Primarily, the spike includes radioactive noble gases and hydrogen-3 (tritium) and smaller amounts of carbon-14 and iodine-131.

This data shows that NPPs emit much larger amounts of radioactive noble gases during refuelling than during normal operation.

From the new data, Nuremberg physicist and statistician, Dr Alfred Körblein, has estimated that, at its maximum value, the concentration of noble gas emissions during refueling was 500 times greater than during normal reactor operation. He also has estimated that about two thirds of the NPP’s annual emissions occur during refuelling.

20-100 times dose increases to local population

In May 2011 in Germany, Green MPs entered the Bavarian State Parliament (Landtag) for the first time where they formed the Government in coalition with the German Socialist Party (SPD).

After several requests, the new Bavarian Government insisted that the state nuclear regulator release non-averaged data on emissions. The highly reluctant nuclear regulator was compelled to respond.

In other words, the Green MPs obtained the data because they had the political power to force its release: there is a lesson here for British environmentalists.

So could these spikes help explain leukemia increases near nuclear plants? Yes they can. People living near nuclear power stations and downwind from them will be exposed to high doses of radiation during these emissions spikes – estimated to be 20-100 times higher than from the tiny releases during the rest of the year.

In 2011, the UK National Dose Assessment Working Group published guidance on ‘Short Term Releases to the Atmosphere‘. This stated that “…doses from the assessment of a single realistic short-term release are a factor of about 20 greater than doses from the continuous release assessment.”

An older German study (Hinrichsen, 2001) indicated that these doses could be 100 times greater. (Hinrichsen K (2001) Critical appraisal of the meteorological basis used in General Administrative Regulations (re dispersion coefficients for airborne releases of NPPs) See Annex D page 9: Radiation Biological Opinion (in German).

A dramatic increase in individual doses

Some scientists think that the time pattern is unimportant and only the population dose is relevant, but this turns out not to be the case. The reason is partly related to the duration of the release, as short releases produce very narrow plumes (plume widths vary non-linearly as a fractional power of the duration).

The result that individual doses increase dramatically per Bq emitted. Another reason is that spikes result in high concentrations of organically bound tritium and carbon-14 in environmental materials and humans which have long retentions and thus higher doses.

The precise amount will depend on many factors, including source term, proximity to the reactor, wind speed, wind direction, and the diets and habits of local people.

Even before the new data, official sources didn’t have a good handle on these doses to local people. Official estimates of radiation doses from NPPs already contain many uncertainties, that is, they could be many times larger than admitted.

This was shown in the 2004 CERRIE Report, a UK Government Committee which showed that dose estimates from environmental releases depended on many computer models and the assumptions they contained. The new information on radioactive spikes adds to these uncertainties.

Therefore higher doses from emission spikes could go a long way to explaining the increased incidences of child leukemias near NPPs shown by the KiKK findings.

‘Especially at risk are unborn children’

IPPNW Germany warned of the probable health impacts of such large emission spikes. Dr Reinhold Thiel, a member of the German IPPNW Board said:

“Especially at risk are unborn children. When reactors are open and releasing gases, pregnant women can incorporate much higher concentrations of radionuclides than at other times, mainly via respiration. Radioactive isotopes inhaled by the mother can reach the unborn child via blood with the result that the embryo/ fetus is contaminated by radioactive isotopes.

“This contamination could affect blood-forming cells in the bone marrow resulting later in leukemia. This provides a plausible explanation for the findings of the KiKK study published in 2008 that under-fives living near NPPs are considerably more at risk of cancer, particularly leukemia, than children living further away.”

In the light of the German data, it is recommended half-hourly emissions data from all UK reactors should be disclosed and that the issue of childhood cancer increases near NPPs be re-examined by the Government.

Nuclear operators should inform local people when they intend to open up their reactors, and they should only do so at night-time (when most people are indoors) and when the winds are blowing out to sea.

 


 

Dr Ian Fairlie is an independent consultant on radioactivity in the environment. He has a degree in radiation biology from Bart’s Hospital in London and his doctoral studies at Imperial College in London and Princeton University in the US concerned the radiological hazards of nuclear fuel reprocessing.

Ian was formerly a DEFRA civil servant on radiation risks from nuclear power stations. From 2000 to 2004, he was head of the Secretariat to the UK Government’s CERRIE Committee on internal radiation risks. Since retiring from Government service, he has acted as consultant to the European Parliament, local and regional governments, environmental NGOs, and private individuals.

See also Ian Fairlie’s blog.

 

 




384678

Three in every four nuclear power builds worldwide are running late Updated for 2026





As of this month, 49 of 66 reactors under construction around the world are running behind schedule, according to an updated analysis conducted by the authors of the World Nuclear Industry Status Report 2014.

The study takes into account several delay announcements in recent weeks:

  • USA: two reactors, Virgil C. Summer Nuclear Station Unit 2 and Virgil C. Summer Nuclear Station Unit 3;
  • South Korea: two reactors – Shin-Hanul-2 and Shin-Wolsong-2;
  • and Finland: Olkiluoto-3.

Little is known about the progress on four nuclear reactors in India. All the other reactor projects have been under way for less than two years, which makes it difficult to identify delays in the absence of full access to information.

The full and up to date list of reactors under construction and related delay details is available at World Reactor Delays.

The European Pressurised Reactor (EPR)

The study highlights the two EPR-design reactors currently under construction: Finland’s Olkiluoto-3 and France’s Flamanville-3. Both are running about $7 billion over their initial budgets and now projected to cost more than $11 billion.

EDF’s Flamanville reactor was due to be completed by 2012 at a cost of €3.3 billion, but is now projected for completion in 2016 at a cost of €8.5 billion.

Finland’s Olkiluoto-3 reactor, the first EPR construction project, is likely to be a decade behind schedule upon delivery, with a projected completion date of 2018. Construction of the 1.6GW plant began in 2005 and was originally due for completion in 2009. Cost figures are similar to those for Flamanville.

Despite the severe problems with existing EPR projects, the French parastatal power company EDF is planning to build a twin-reactor 3.2GW plant in the UK at Hinkley C in Somerset.

The UK Government strongly supports the project and has agreed terms for a support package that may be worth as much as £100 billion over its lifetime. It includes both a guaranteed electricity price double current wholesale market levels (at £92.50 per megawatt hour) and a £10 billion construction finance guarantee.

Critics like Nikki Clark of the Stop Hinkley campaign group have denounced the UK’s choice of the EPR design as “insane” given the delays and cost overruns in France and Finland.

The support package for Hinkley C is under review by the European Commission as possible ‘illegal state aid’ and may never win approval. The reactors are not included in the study since construction has not proceeded beyond extensive groundworks.

Delays a key factor behind rising costs

Mycle Schneider, Paris-based international consultant on energy and nuclear policy and lead author of ‘The World Nuclear Industry Status Report 2014′ said:

“Delays in construction – some of them multi-year – are a key factor behind rising costs and the clear trend of the shrinking share of nuclear energy in the world’s power production, which declined steadily from a historic peak of 17.6% in 1996 to 10.8% in 2013.

“That trend is likely to persist as costly construction delays continue to dog the relatively small number of new reactor projects around the globe.”

Contrary to what is often claimed in the United States by proponents of nuclear power, he added, “the reality is that other nations around the globe do not have a better track record when it comes to delivering nuclear reactor projects on time and on budget.”

The global picture

According to the study:

  • China – often cited in the US as an example of where nuclear power is being delivered on time and inexpensively – is actually experiencing construction delays at 20 of its 27 reactor projects.
  • Russia is seeing delays at nine out of nine reactor projects.
  • India is reporting delays at two out of six reactor projects, but little information is available about the on-time status of the other four.
  • South Korea is seeing delays at four out of five reactor projects.
  • The United States is reporting delays at all five new reactor projects now under construction.
  • Ukraine’s two reactors were commenced in 1986-1987, and grid connection is officially due in 2015-2016.
  • Five reactors in Pakistan (2), Slovakia (2) and Brazil (1) are also running behind schedule.
  • Finland – Olkiluoto EPR delayed by almost a decade (see above).
  • France – Flamanvile EPR four years behind schedule (see above).

Of these eight reactors have been listed as ‘under construction’ for more than 20 years, and another for 12 years.

With Belarus, a new country was added in the last year to the list of nations engaged in nuclear projects, while Taiwan has halted construction work at two units. Fourteen countries are currently building nuclear power plants.

The remaining 13 reactors all started construction in 2012 and after, making it hard to see how construction is advancing. They are also in countries with little open information on building progress.These 13 reactors comprise: Argentina (1), Belarus (2), China (7), South Korea (1), UAE (2).

“This is by no means any guarantee that these plants are factually on time, let alone on budget”, says Schneider.

Contruction delays – a feature of nuclear power for 40 years

“For the last 40 years, the US nuclear power industry has been plagued by construction delays and by cost overruns”, comments Peter Bradford, adjunct professor on Nuclear Power and Public Policy, Vermont Law School.

The former member of the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission, and former chair of the New York and Maine state utility regulatory commissions, continued:

“Because nuclear power is already more expensive than alternative ways both of generating electricity and of fighting climate change, these delays and overruns further undermine nuclear power’s claim that special nuclear subsidies are an essential part of the world’s climate change strategy.”

 


 

Further information: http://bit.ly/worldreactordelays.

 

 




383087

A Yes vote in Scotland could finish Trident Updated for 2026





Much has been made, and quite rightly, about the financial uncertainties for the Scots attached to an independence vote.

But if there is a Yes vote the financial pressures on the UK’s nuclear weapons programme will also bite hard, plunging its future into uncertainty.

Experience so far in the referendum campaign amply demonstrates the inability of the collective Westminster-Whitehall (WW) bubble to accurately assess risk, probability and impact.

As I outlined in a previous post for Open Democracy, Trident will become the subject of negotiation along with other core issues such as currency, the handling of debt and membership of the EU and NATO.

But the bases at Faslane and Coulport will need to move, and within a similar timescale to the introduction of the new submarines.

Even assuming that the political obstacles can be overcome, capital spend on the move will hit at the same point in the cycle as the construction of the submarines, sending costs spiraling.

Trident’s medium term home? Georgia, USA

With any move south of the border the renewal programme would take up well over half the current MoD’s equipment spend throughout the 2020s (it is already set to eat up a third of that budget over this period).

But this is only one half of the double-whammy. The other is that this would happen just when public spending would need to reduce by around 8% as a result of the tax-take from Scotland being removed.

For most government departments, whose spend is relative to the population they serve, this would not be such a big deal beyond the bureaucratic challenge of institutional change.

But the Ministry of Defence will retain just about the same commitments as they have today, and cuts they would have to bear would follow on from major cuts experienced over the last five years.

There is a cost to the rest of the defence establishment beyond which even die-hard pro-nuclear advocates would not tread. Without Faslane, the UK’s only alternative would be to base its Trident submarines at the US’s Kings Bay Trident port on Georgia’s Atlantic coast.

The military community discussing this possibility at present refer to it as a temporary measure, but the political and budgetary costs may force them to consider it a permanent proposition.

But what sort of symbol would that send about Britain’s dependency upon the United States and its capability? It would make a mockery of the claim that they system is operationally independent.

For any member of the public or rational defence planner in London, Scottish independence would surely mean a radical reassessment of Trident.

A new impetus towards global nuclear disarmament?

Any such reassessment, if it leads to disarmament, could be a big shot in the arm for the essential but deeply-troubled global non-proliferation regime upon which we all depend for stability and survival. So far 2014 has been a disastrous year.

Things looked promising in the heady days of 2010, when the US and Russia signed their new START treaty further limiting the numbers of warheads, missiles and bombers, and the NPT Review Conference agreed a comprehensive action plan to pursue disarmament and non-proliferation.

But the rot had already set into any optimism for further progress years before President Viktor Yanukovych was chased out of Kiev at the beginning of this year.

With Russia’s annexation of Crimea, the civil war in eastern Ukraine (now becalmed if not quite over under a peace process), and other major disagreements over missile defence, NATO membership and influence across eastern Europe and the Middle East, the nuclear weapon states are showing no prospects of living up to the cautious agenda they signed up to in 2010.

This leaves next year’s NPT Review Conference and the broader non-proliferation regime in limbo.

Iran hanging in the balance

It also adds a wild card to negotiations with Iran that reopen this Thursday, the same day as the referendum vote.

Just as the Americans and Europeans were hopeful of breakthrough on Iran’s nuclear programme before the deadline in November (though there are still big differences between the negotiating positions), the fragile sanctions coalition could be breaking apart before our eyes.

The Russians are already talking about major deals with Iran that the Americans consider bust the sanctions. If they sense alternatives opening up, it seems highly unlikely that hardliners in Tehran will countenance Rouhani agreeing to tight constraints on the programme. This one silver lining in the dark and foreboding international nuclear proliferation skies hangs in the balance.

If an independent Scotland were to force a rethink on Trident renewal it would be crucial for both governments to see how their choices could best influence this broader context.

If there is a possibility of an established nuclear weapon state taking its arsenal off patrol this must be used to maximum leverage within the broader international diplomatic game to win real moves in a positive direction by other states. This will be an important opportunity for leadership.

In the event of a No

But what of the impact of the only other likely alternative, a close no vote? In this circumstance we are likely to see devolution of many more powers not only in Scotland, but also other parts of the union.

The general assumption within the WW bubble will be that this will not directly affect the trappings of statehood, in particular foreign policy and defence and thereby the nuclear deterrent. There are a number of distinct dangers to this attitude that could reflect more complacency piled on the previous.

When it reported back in July, the Trident Commission, co-chaired by Malcolm Rifkind, Des Browne and Menzies Campbell, pointed to the pressing need for Britain to reconsider its strategy and more effectively lead on achieving multilateral disarmament measures.

There is no room for business as usual whilst strategic international relations deteriorate and the non-proliferation regime faces severe challenges of confidence.

And there is no solution to the contradiction between renewing Trident like-for-like and positively contributing to a stronger non-proliferation regime.

Caution advised – is this a smart way to spend £30 billion?

But back at home our political leaders would be well-advised to be cautious in making their assumptions about London retaining unambiguous control over the existing nuclear weapon infrastructure.

After the referendum it is now clear the nature of the constitutional settlement will change, and could remain fluid and uncertain for some time to come. Demands for change can only grow throughout the union. London may in future struggle to hold the line and prevent further slide towards a break-up of the union as devolution develops.

A close no vote could in the long run simply spell a stay of execution, unless the government more effectively tackles the centrifugal forces driving the home nations apart.

This will need them to go beyond the devolution of certain powers, and radically change the relationship between the WW bubble and the people of Britain.

And Trident has already shown itself to be a significant part of that legitimacy deficit. It is not only the Scots who are sceptical about spending £30bn over the next two decades on the renewal of our nuclear weapons.

If they succeed in convincing the Scots to stay in for now, those interested in saving the union in the longer run may yet come to see Trident and its bases in Scotland as an important political liability that we can ill afford to keep.

 


 

Paul Ingram has been the Executive Director for the British American Security Information Council (BASIC) since 2007. BASIC works in the US, UK, Europe and the Middle East to promote global nuclear disarmament and a transformation in strategic relationships using a dialogue approach.

He was also until recently a talk show host on state Iranian TV promoting alternative perspectives on strategic matters, and taught British senior civil servants leadership skills.

Previously Paul was a Green Party councillor in Oxford and co-Leader of Oxford City Council (2000-2002) and a member of the Stop the War Coalition Steering Group (2002-2006).

This article is based on one originally published by Open Democracy with edits by or agreed with the author. It is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 licence.

Creative Commons License

 

 




384167

The BBC, Friends of the Earth and nuclear power Updated for 2026





Last Wednesday (10th September), as a World Nuclear Association (WNA) conference commenced in London, the BBC Today programme announced that the campaign group Friends of the Earth (FOE) had made a “huge and controversial shift” away from their “in principle” opposition to nuclear power.

It was news to the group’s campaigns director, Craig Bennett, who had earlier been interviewed for the programme as he relates in his blog.

On Friday the Guardian carried a blog by the BBC’s widely respected environment analyst Roger Harrabin reiterating the view that FOE had made a “huge and controversial shift”, also claiming that the group is now “less strongly anti-nuclear” and “is locked in an internal battle”.

The analysis was way from accurate according to FOE – but the top-line message remembered by busy listeners and readers means damage will have been done – and at a critical time in terms of the impending EC nuclear state-aid and Hinkley C investment decisions, which have global implications.

What Friends of the Earth are really saying

FOE is saying, after refreshing their policy in 2013, that the high cost and long build-times of new nuclear reactors are currently more dominant concerns to them compared to nuclear accidents.

That concern reflects the vital fact that the £10s or even £100s of billions the Government is preparing to sink into nuclear power is money that will not go into the real answers – renewables and energy conservation. Worse, they will cause energy market distortions that will further undermine renewables.

So FOE’s shift is one of relative concern from one of the several core stand-alone reasons against nuclear power (ie radioactive waste management, cost, proliferation, terrorism, major accidents, routine discharges and more recently climate distraction) to another.

That’s fair enough given that the scale of emission reductions required to avoid dangerous global warming is increasing by the year and delays in cutting emissions due to poor energy investment is becoming a bigger and bigger issue.

It’s also important to realise that as a solution to climate change, nuclear power is currently a ‘bit player’ producing just 2.6% of global energy: 2,600 TWh/y out of a global final energy demand around 100,000 TWh/y.

Nor does it offer significant opportunities for growth. The WNA optimistically estimates a nuclear capacity of 400GW – 640 GW by 2035. Taking a figure of 540 GW, that would generate around 4,000 TWh/y in 2035 of a projected global energy demand of 140,000 TWh/y –  just 2.9%.

Nuclear would be hard pushed to ever supply beyond 5% of future energy demand unless fast reactors – the great hope of George Monbiot, Mark Lynas, Baroness Worthington and some others – were ever proven at utility scale.

And that’s highly improbable, given the wasted billions invested in the technology, and decades of failure to deliver an economically viable solution. So nuclear power is hardly a crucial or key technology, as ministers keep arguing.

The other issues remain – and they are of critical importance

The increasing concern in the core issue of climate distraction does not mean that any other issues have materially reduced, the crumbling storage ponds etc at Sellafield are still a clear and present danger, probably more so year on year.

That’s not a softening of stance, as Harrabin’s whole article implies, rather its the opposite. Nuclear power is becoming an even more dangerous issue.

Indeed, considering the dawn of extreme asymmetric warfare (9/11), the rise of extremist groups (eg ISIS), dodgy foreign policy (2003 Iraq war, arms sales to Israel) and concerns about Iran’s nuclear power motives, I would suggest that two other core issues, terrorism and proliferation, are also increasing in danger.

Oddly and alarmingly such major security issues have not featured in most environmental, political or public debate. Yet, the UK is on the brink of being in the forefront of rescuing a dangerous, dodgy and discredited nuclear industry from an investment abyss and placing it centre-stage of a low-carbon energy global policy.

Hitachi is even considering moving its HQ from a contaminated Japan to a lucrative London. The Government is essentially promoting the spread of nuclear technology, materials and expertise around the world, where a few kilos of plutonium or U233 (from thorium reactors) can make a bomb that can change that world.

Future generations will not thank us for missing a fast-evaporating opportunity to bottle as much of the nuclear weapons genie as possible – by switching to safe, abundant and increasingly affordable renewables.

Neither is the decaying waste a diminishing issue. A site for a geological repository has still not been identified, nor a convincing containment technology. Waste from new reactors would be significantly hotter, radioactively and thermally, and may be left in on-site Interim Stores indefinitely by default.

A refreshed look at nuclear power is not a pleasant sight: it shows the dangers are increasing.

Closing existing reactors – when was that an FOE campaign?

Harrabin goes on to say, and make something out of, a change in FOE’s stance on closing existing nuclear reactors. I’m not sure what era Stephen Tindale was a FOE activist (apparently campaigning for existing stations to be closed down) but I never made any such calls in all the years I worked for FOE.

I was FOE Cymru’s specialist energy campaigner in Wales from about the mid 1990’s and then the main anti-nuclear campaigner (England, Wales and Northern Ireland) between about 2005-2010. We had a pragmatic attitude and focussed our limited energy and funding on more winnable campaigns.

So any shift regarding ‘closure calls’ would have been at least two decades ago and could not be portrayed as a recent shift or part of a refreshed ‘less strongly anti-nuclear’ stance.

And if FOE had made any significant ‘shift’ or change in policy on nuclear power (or any other campaign area) the proposed change would have had to be submitted as a written motion to the annual conference, won the Local Groups’ vote and received the agreement of the Board.

It would have presumably then been announced as a change in the organisation’s public material and press releases. It would not have been hidden to be ‘found’ by journalists digging around in consultants reports or reading way too much into comments and nuances in a live interview.

The experienced Harrabin says that the ‘shift in policy was signalled in a little-reported policy paper last year’. The link provided goes to a report written by the Tyndall Centre commissioned by FOE (with disclaimers) and is not FOE policy.

Surely such an experienced journalist would be aware that a externally-written commissioned report is different to a internally-produced policy paper

Is the BBC unbiased on nuclear power?

The article is replete with other outrageous twists. There is something alarming when any journalist writes an article like this. It is more alarming that the BBC environment analyst is doing this.

Perhaps it is not surprising given that two BBC Trust figureheads of this world-respected media organisation are paid advisers to EdF: acting chair Diane Coyle and ex Chair Lord Patten; moreover Coyle is married to the BBC’s technology correspondent.

Is it possible that the BBC Trust’s links to EdF have effects down the ranks of the organisation and permeate the minds of journalists without a word being spoken – a silent, almost subconscious influence?

The Trust can say all it likes about having “no control over editorial content” – but it does not need control. Trust members also adjudicate editorial complaints so one could question the time and effort in complaining about Harrabin’s article.

Regardless of any possible influence on any journalists it is remakable that BBC Trust members can receive money from such corporate interests – and even advise them on how to use the UK media to clinch one of the biggest multi-billion pound deals in British history.

Why won’t the BBC report on the real nuclear stories?

The Hinkley C deal, and others, would have long-term planning and subsidy implications, radioactive waste management issues extending into geological time, potentially irreversible proliferation, foreign policy, energy security and terrorism risk consequences, and yes, still the potential for major accidents.

There are numerous outstanding Assessment Findings regarding the Hinkley C design which, if not resolved before construction were to commence, could be set in concrete in what are globally unproven new reactor designs.

On the morning of the WNA’s conference in London the BBC should have reported relevant real issues such as AREVA’s credit-negative rating (reported on Reuters) or the month’s long safety shut-downs at EdF’s Heysham and Hartlepool nuclear reactors which could lead to capacity-crunches and Grid distortions this winter.

Drumming up stories which imply that one of the main anti-nuclear campaign organisations has made some big policy shift on the quiet is far below what the BBC and Britain was or should be about.

The BBC should refresh its policy on corporate links and the Government should re-evaluate the costs of a new-build nuclear programme. These include significant, perhaps incalcuable, national and global security risks for many future generations in the UK and globally.

The costs also include the extraordinary and counterproductive dis-investment already under way in harnessing safe, largely indigenous renewable energy resources potentially using British low-carbon and carbon-negative climate solutions: both the cheapest form of low carbon electricity, onshore wind, and that with the fastest declining cost, solar PV, are in the firing line for cuts.

In the meantime, FOE should be given the media space to set the record straight given the likely damage caused by Harrabin’s fault-ridden analysis.

 



Neil Crumpton is a writer, researcher and consultant on energy issues, and represents People-Against-Wylfa-B on the DECC-NGO nuclear Forum and the ONR stakeholder Forum. He was FOE’s energy specialist campaigner, 1994-2010.

 




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